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The Washington-based global lender, the World Bank, through concessional lending, has fought for Bangladesh to encourage its development initiatives since 1972; committing more than $ 30 billion in supporting economic, social and infrastructural development priorities. Since 2018, this UN-affiliated multilateral body, the largest source of financial assistance to developing countries, has committed a total grant of $ 590 million to help Bangladesh cope with the challenges posed by the influx of Rohingya forcibly displaced. Recently, this bank has been widely denounced by both politicians and the masses after its proposal, through the Refugee Policy Review Framework (RPRF), on the integration of the Rohingya in Bangladesh. What is the rationality of this World Bank proposal?
Four years ago, at the end of August 2017, the “breaking news” around the world was dominated by the massive influx of Rohingya into Bangladesh, the result of a bloody “demining operation” supported by the military. A 444-page report by the UN Independent Fact-Finding Commission found that more than 725,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh after the deadly crackdown. The degree of atrocities of this military-launched “campaign of terror” was so intense that the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights called it a “classic example of ethnic cleansing” while other investigators called it “genocide”. During the first three weeks of August 2017, Bangladesh received more refugees than the whole of Europe in 2016 during the “Syrian crisis”. Since then, Bangladesh has generously welcomed over 1.2 million Rohingya as short-term guests providing a “safe haven” on humanitarian grounds. Today, the 13-kilometer-long Kutupalong mega-camp in Cox’s Bazar, the world’s largest refugee camp, is home to this besieged community.
The Rohingya, living in Arakan for thousands of years, have been actively involved in Burmese politics since independence. The recognition of the Rohingya as citizens of Myanmar by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) resolves their identity crisis by providing them with a legal basis. Furthermore, during the ICJ hearing, Aung San Suu Kyi defined the Rohingya as the Muslims of Arakan. Myanmar signed two repatriation agreements with Bangladesh in 2018 and 2019 respectively, granting their consent to take back their citizens. Although these repatriation agreements were unsuccessful due to Myanmar’s reluctance, these agreements are nonetheless significant proof of Myanmar’s official position on Rohingya citizenship. Although there is no light at the end of the tunnel, the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, in response to the World Bank cadre, has categorically stated that it does not wish to receive Bangladeshi citizenship and would like to return to Myanmar.
The World Bank has proposed to review the RPRF for 14 Member States, which are currently hosting refugees, including Bangladesh, to assess the effectiveness of grants for refugees and host communities under its “Loan Window”. reduced rate ”of international development assistance. This global framework, currently undergoing a triennial review, undertaken in cooperation with UNHCR, suggests granting refugees the right to secure land and property, to choose their place of residence and freedom of movement, to have equal access to the country’s civil service and to the labor market, etc. citizens of the host country. The WB has offered Bangladesh $ 2 billion if it integrates Rohingya refugees with economic and social rights. The framework is relevant for Bangladesh as this decision will pave the way for the Rohingya to become permanent citizens through their integration into the population of Bangladesh. Bangladesh reiterated its position, categorically rejecting the proposal, stating that the Rohingya are not “refugees” but rather “forcibly displaced persons” to whom Bangladesh has offered temporary shelter.
The UNDP “Impacts of the Rohingya Refugee Influx on Host Communities” study explained how Rohingya overpopulation affected host communities. The major negative impact includes rising prices, increasing poverty, increasing the cost of housing, reducing the wage rate, deforestation, environmental damage, etc. and refugees by reshaping the social composition. This August 2021 marks the fourth anniversary of the Rohingya exodus to Bangladesh, but a lasting solution remains to be found.
The 1951 Refugee Convention offers three solutions to the refugee crisis: integration; installation in a third country; or repatriation. About 166.65 million people of Bangladesh, 8th largest in the world, makes it one of the densely populated countries with 1,125 people in per km². This small country, 92nd in terms of land area, with a total area of 147,570 km², slightly smaller than the US state of Iowa, is home to 1.2 million Rohingyas, which is larger than the total population of Bhutan. . No country in the world carries the burden of so many refugees as overcrowded Bangladesh. Bangladesh, with an unemployment rate of 5.30%, exports around 60,000 workers abroad each year, indicating the country’s inability to create jobs and struggling to generate jobs for its gargantuan unemployed youth. This draws attention to the insufficient demand for labor in Bangladesh. Thus, the possibility of integrating the Rohingya into the local community is nipped in the bud. As the number of Rohingya refugees is gigantic, more than a million in Bangladesh and a little more live in 19 other countries and no country has expressed an interest in welcoming them, the option of settling them in a third country seems insurmountable. for the foreseeable future. The only way out of the Rohingya crisis is safe repatriation to Myanmar.
As the Rohingya also want to return to Myanmar, integration in Bangladesh, following the recommendations of the World Bank, amounts to a denial of their basic and human rights. Some local experts believe that integration may lead to a new “Palestinian crisis” by jeopardizing the sovereignty of Bangladesh and endangering the geopolitical stability of South Asia. This type of proposal from responsible world leaders like the World Bank will motivate Myanmar to slow down the repatriation process by increasing the complexity of this multifaceted dilemma. Instead of suggesting such an unworkable proposition, the World Bank could pressure Myanmar to comply with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted in 1948 by the UN. It could offer financial incentives to Myanmar to speed up repatriation to safe areas under international surveillance. Some international organizations are planning long-term programs for this “short-term emergency crisis” which will only delay the repatriation process.
Bangladesh is doing its best to ensure a decent arrangement for the Rohingya with its limited financial strength. Although it is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, Bangladesh respects its conditions, that is, it does not force any Rohingya to return to Myanmar. Accepting the World Bank’s proposal will add fuel to the fire by acting as a pull factor for other Rohingya, some six lakes, to come to Bangladesh from restless Myanmar. Bangladesh must make substantial policy changes if it accepts the framework, a complex and lengthy process that will intensify the misery. The safe and dignified repatriation of the Rohingya to Myanmar is the only lasting solution to end their plight. Bangladesh needs more support from international communities to resolve this crisis. The country can expect global communities to consider all relevant issues, including the socio-economic conditions of Bangladesh, before making recommendations to address the protracted Rohingya refugee crisis by bringing hope to end the crisis. their present difficult.
BY Kazi Mohammad Jamshed, Senior Lecturer in the Department of International Affairs, Dhaka University.
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