South Africans revolt against inept local government. Why is this important

A radical change is underway at the level of local government in South Africa, a change that all political parties should pay attention to. Groups of citizens take control of municipal functions, some with the support of the courts, and provide services where this sphere collapses.

The trend is driven by voters who are fed up with corrupt politicians – as every poll clearly shows. For example, a poll taken at the end of 2019 showed growing mistrust of political parties and politicians. There was a deep conviction that the country was going in the wrong direction. More than 80% of those polled believe that corruption is increasing.

The dismal state of the local sphere has been deplored by many, including the late Auditor General Kimi Makwetu. He noted in 2018 that “on average nearly 60% of the income shown on the books will never find its way into the bank account,” sounding the alarm that such rampant corruption and incompetence would inevitably lead to a growing revolt against rates and taxes.

The consequence has been precisely that – talking about withholding taxes and taxes, and going further to just do what needs to be done – but the government seems unable to do. The “ fed up (Fed up) the tipping point seems to be upon us.

Growing discontent

It is in this context that the country will hold local government elections, currently scheduled for August this year.

Soon the media will be filled with experts talking about the low turnout that typically affects local elections. Some will address how all parties are typically “punished” in local rather than national elections, others will speak to the winners, losers and likely coalition partners. All of this will be fairly predictable. Some of them may even be correct. But something more underground and interesting is happening.

There has been growing dissatisfaction with many local authorities. In some cases, concerned citizens have successfully called for the dissolution and administration of the municipality, as happened in Makhanda in the Eastern Cape Province in 2020.

Elsewhere, citizen groups have found other ways to simply take matters into their own hands. Instead of just moaning, people take action.

The events in the local municipality of Kgetlengrivier, in the platinum-rich North West Province, have shown just how serious the situation has become.

In December 2020, in what has been termed an “astonishing judgment,” a North West High Court judge ordered the imprisonment of the Kgetlengrivier city manager for 90 days. The sentence was suspended on condition that the sewage dumped into the Elands and Koster rivers was cleaned up.

Remarkably, the judge also gave the residents’ association the right to take control of the area’s sewers and to be paid by local and provincial governments for their efforts.

The local residents duly resumed the sewage cleaning work, with success.

The legality of this will be tested on appeal and may well be overturned by a more risk averse higher court. But the seeds have been sown, and the national government seems to agree – national ministers have been defendants in the case and have not appealed. And the ruling African National Congress (ANC) should be careful – most of the places where these events occur are in ANC-held municipalities.

Take the events at Harrismith in the Free State, where residents have also taken care of sewer repairs; or the Municipality of Umdoni in Scottburgh, KwaZulu-Natal, where residents are threatening to stop paying tariffs. In Graaff-Reinet in the Eastern Cape, residents opposed increases in municipal tariffs, frustrated by the broken sewer system and other municipal services.

It could be interpreted as anarchy. And it just might be. But anarchy is often criticized and used as a pejorative – a “descent” into anarchy – rather than analyzed or understood as a possible “rise” of corrupt and coercive politics. It means something like a belief in abolishing all government and organizing residents on a voluntary, non-coercive, and cooperative basis.

And it is happening across the country, from withholding and taxing to taking over core service delivery functions.

South Africans can move from the trough of corruption to something much more interesting, contested and dangerous for a young democracy. When an entire sphere of the state is close to dysfunction and can see its power, functions and revenues transferred to groups of citizens due to incompetence or malfeasance, something really is wrong. Yet political parties still want voters to trust them at election time.

Loss of trustworthy

Confidence in all spheres of government is at its lowest, as is confidence in political parties. In the latest Ipsos poll, no party received the trust of a third of its own supporters. Voters’ opinion of politicians could not be lower, matched with pessimism: less than half of those polled believe the country is heading in the right direction.

Perhaps the final straw was to watch with revulsion the most politically connected theft of money destined for life-saving COVID-19 protective gear.

Discussions about withholding tax rates and taxes are now commonplace. Community groups have sought legal advice on payroll deductions and share legal opinions on the issue. Why pay, if your money is just “eaten”? This is now confirmed by the decision of the North West High Court. Who needs the government?

If pollsters are to understand where South Africa is going, it seems that measuring political parties and their campaigns may be necessary – just like a visit to the dentist is necessary – but it may be missed.

They should interview those who no longer care about the local sphere and who see themselves as a more legitimate and, frankly, competent part of the governance infrastructure. And as the taps dry up, power cuts continue due to corruption or incompetence, and no politician has been jailed yet, who can say they are wrong?

David Everatt does not work, consult, own stock or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has not disclosed any relevant affiliation beyond his academic appointment.

By David Everatt, Professor of Urban Governance, University of the Witwatersrand