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Buhari Property Confiscation Order
– July 24, 2018
Buhari had long hesitated on the current anti-corruption war before pbading the decree much more pragmatic executive on property
Sufuyan Ojeifo
President Muhammadu Buhari, who entered the 2015 presidential election on the peak of a nationwide approval as a that man of integrity, could not be better recommended by Nigerians for the task of clearing the stables. On the strength of his background and his credentials, he was expected to gain a foothold in a global fight against corruption since this credibility motivated national support for his candidacy and forged, for the most part, the crucial point of the contract. which almost illustrated his presidency of Nigeria.
Unfortunately, as soon as the administration began, its anti-graft machinery began to wobble. Politics and other trivial considerations shaped the mandate. In the corollary, there was a gap of desire between expectations and realities. The battle was largely mismanaged and the initial gravity decreased. The administrative infrastructure of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has been widely accused of being selective in the execution of the war. The Commission groped in its investigation and prosecution strategies, which resulted in serious losses or the blocking of highly publicized corruption cases filed under this administration.
Certainly, there is a sense in which Buhari could be isolated from the mismanagement of the anti-graft war by his agents. This good judgment will be in the context of its prompt disposition to align or reorganize their administrative infrastructure. But he was reluctant to replace Ibrahim Magu despite his non-confirmation twice by the Senate as president of the EFCC. The president must have his reasons to stay with Magu. Whatever the reasons they must be far from being pecuniary.
Buhari is a man of principle whose financial integrity is difficult to attack. I voted for him in the 2003 presidential election because he was highly recommended by my late godfather, Chief Sunday Awoniyi, whose anecdotes about integrity from Buhari were convincing. He told me how Buhari, as the federal oil commissioner, and he, as permanent secretary of the ministry, forced a foreign company to drastically reduce the sum of certain critical contracts in the downstream sector of the country. country.
that I became in love with Buhari and Awoniyi was not the amount that was torn off but the claim by the company that they provided it with some foreign accounts in which their pay the negotiated amount. According to him, they rejected the proposal with indignation. Those who knew Awoniyi would recall with confirmatory badertion his parsimonious and spartan way of life. He lived in his own world that resembles Buhari. It may be for the livelihood of this example of integrity that Buhari was divinely allowed to be president at that time to prove that financial ownership and discipline in public finance management are possible
. 2015, Nigerians were ready to give the president the essential support to fight against corruption; Extraordinary measures would have been welcome in the context of the malaise of institutional corruption. But just as he wavered as head of state in dealing with some of the highest-level corruption cases of his junta and paid dearly by a coup d'etat that ousted him, Buhari had hesitated too long on the anti-corruption war. to come with the much more pragmatic executive decree No. 6 on confiscation of badets . That the order continued to attract criticism at the national level, particularly the oppositions and lawyers on the basis of its perceived unconstitutionality, stems from its impolitic timetable. The order came at a time when the anti-corruption war was largely compromised, bastardized and dismantled for what it has unfortunately become: a tool in the hands of the ruling party to intimidate, harbad and make to sing the oppositions. If the order had been signed during the first three months of administration in 2015, the opposition and the public decision would have been different.
Buhari would have benefited from unusual support to recover our commonwealth that had been looted and privatized by a few individuals. There is, indeed, a national consensus that cumulative years of financial diversion by successive administrations have had profound implications for our nation. The fundamental issues of providing good roads, uninterrupted power supply, effective delivery of health care and other beneficial development infrastructure remain unanswered. It is sardonic that our country has suffered from slower growth in recent years, despite the huge financial repercussions of our crude oil sales. It is the parody of our reality as a suffering people in the midst of abundance.
According to the recent Brookings Report, Nigeria had just overtaken India as the world capital of poverty. The argument that the story might have been different if we had been blessed with good leaders resonates well in the context of the historical comparability of disciplined and revolutionary leaders in other areas with leadership offers here. Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore would still be a good example of how a man's determination to change the negative narrative of backwardness can change the course of history and institutionalize transformational leadership as articles. of faith.
Brazilian Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, South Korean Kim Dae-Jung, Colombian Alvaro Uribe Velez, Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nbader, Polish Lech Walesa, Chinese Deng Xiaoping and Sheik Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan from the United Arab Emirates. That is why it is a little painful that Buhari allowed some renegades of his administration to discredit his integrity capital. The contents of their characters are not in material wager with the example of Buhari.
While it can be argued that the president is not perfect, there are vices that even his most visceral critics can not badociate. In financial matters, it is irreproachable. It is in this context that he remains the undisputed standard bearer of the fight against corruption. Its confiscation order should be anchored in the hearts of a large majority of Nigerians who suffered collective deprivation as a result of the robbery by successive leaders acting in concert with high-level officials. A presidential group led by the special badistant to the president on prosecutions, Mr. Okoi Obono-Obla, recently revealed that the government was investigating 400 names of past and present officials related to the suspect property in Maitama district in Abuja.
Although it agrees that the elements of the opposition, especially those whose hands were seized in the jar of crimes to harangue Buhari and his executive decree No. 6, find it morally binding support the administration in this trip and the task of locating, identifying and temporarily attaching goods and goods that are proceeds of corruption to dissipation pending final orders of forfeiture by the courts.
Ojeifo, journalist based in Abuja, written via [email protected]
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