The dream of "Global Britain" has been reduced even before it started

You can now say that a successful military power demonstration is the kind of distraction that the British government needs at a time when it is besieged on many fronts. Less, I imagine, a naval confrontation with Iran in the controversial waters of the Gulf or close to these, and many questions arise as to what exactly happened on the 10th July.

One might wonder why the first news of a confrontation between a British frigate defending an oil tanker flying the Isle of Man flag and three (reduced to five) Iranian gunboats did not come from the British authorities, but from the United States (who had by the way one of his surveillance planes over his head).

Another confrontation could take place exactly where the reported confrontation took place: was the British Heritage tanker in international waters or disputed? The UK Department of Defense has made it clear that the HMS Montrose frigate was in international waters "at all times" but declined to comment on the location of the tanker.

A third could relate to Iran's intentions. Tehran said it was not trying to retaliate against the UK after Gibraltar's recent seizure of an Iranian oil tanker that broke the sanctions. His refusal could serve as a cover for a failed operation. Similarly, Iran might have been fine-tuning the tail of an American ally at a time of heightened tension.

But the biggest question might be why British ships in the Gulf seem suddenly vulnerable. And here, there might be some answers. Because the United Kingdom is considered a junior partner of the United States and the United States disagrees with Iran. Because an Iranian oil tanker was captured and taken to the British overseas territory of Gibraltar (according to the instructions, originally, not from the EU, but from the States -United). And as there are other irritants in relations between the United Kingdom and Iran, including the imprisonment of the national double Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe and the unpaid debts of the United Kingdom to Iran – whose payment could unlock or not the Zaghari-Ratcliffe prison cell.

But there is another reason too. Earlier this week, Iranian President Hbadan Rouhani ridiculed the United Kingdom for sending his warships to watch his tankers in the Gulf, calling it "scary" and "hopeless". Bravado perhaps, but Iran would not be the only one to regard the United Kingdom as particularly vulnerable and weak. A recurring theme in the official British rhetoric about Russia over the past five years has been to consider her as an isolated person with no allies. How many friends in London currently?

Just take a look around the world and look at what the UK might look like for others. We have completely ruined our relations with the European Union. Why should the 27 of the EU feel obliged to use their collective, economic and diplomatic weight to save us from ourselves? Not only was the vote on Brexit a declaration of separation, but the government's inability to conclude a divorce in three years undermined our reputation for competence in the political and diplomatic spheres. We may not have a written constitution, but the country has behaved reasonably well. It can not be said anymore.

And the change can be felt. The UK has been more hesitant than the rest of the EU to challenge Washington's disavowal of the Iran nuclear deal. Who in the EU does consider that the sequestration of the Iranian oil tanker by Gibraltar is a feat? Nobody. It is more embarrbading, which could hamper the EU's efforts to preserve what can be preserved from the nuclear deal, and Spain opposed – stressing the kind of aggravation that can be predict when the Brexit will be complete.

Then turn to China and Hong Kong. As in previous waves of protest, some residents of the former colony appealed for support from the United Kingdom, convinced that London can still influence what is happening. But the UK is no longer as free as in the rhetoric department. If he talks too much about treaty obligations and the legitimate desire of the people of Hong Kong to have democracy and the rule of their own law, he will not only be scorned by the more conscious young Hong Kongers of reality, but may also be blocked by China on the eve. The very moment when the United Kingdom sees increasing trade with the world's largest economy is a paramount imperative.

The discussion on China's Huawei telecommunications conglomerate and the extent to which it has already penetrated and will continue to penetrate the British economy has not disappeared either. He is currently at rest, but the potential conflict between trade considerations and national security, with the United Kingdom's much appreciated membership in the "Five Eyes" intelligence group possibly at stake, could explode at any moment.

If China presents dilemmas for a post-Brexit UK, could we find a new friend in Russia? In many ways, a rapprochement with Russia would make sense, and it is possible to detect very small steps in that direction. Theresa May's obvious disgust during her handshake at the G20 summit with Vladimir Putin was largely a theater. Any hope of serious improvement in relations, however, must be tempered by the recognition of the low point from which we leave – in the shadow of the Litvinenko and Salisbury poisonings, the hysteria well founded on the " misinformation "and the influence of the exiles. Putin enemies still in the ascendant. Any re-evaluation is likely to be delayed, if at all.

And so in the United States. We could always count on the "special relationship", is not it? And there were those who saw it as our refuge after the Brexit. Occasional misunderstandings could be instantly banned by a state visit to many countries. Maybe once they could. But the dramatic collapse of Sir Kim Darroch's leaked cable relationships revealed not only fragility, but also real imbalance, in a relationship that now looks "special" in a completely different way. A new prime minister and a new ambbadador more at the convenience of the current US president might well fix things for a moment, but the huge power divide has been brought up to date. A relationship of equals that is not.

None of the quarrels and potential quarrels that I have described can be attributed to your clbadic geopolitical tensions between blocks. From Gibraltar to Iran, through Hong Kong, China, Five Eyes, Moscow and Washington, it is largely a matter of bilateral disputes and conflicts of interest that leave the United Kingdom United, in practice, with very few friends. At a time when, we could argue, we need it the most.

There was a time when Brexit was supposed to inaugurate "World Britain", the UK freed from EU constraints and re-establishing ties with old friends and acquaintances from around the world. While a large part of the Foreign Office was already dissatisfied with the fact that the UK has abandoned its 50-year European project and now furious with Boris Johnson's lack of support for our former ambbadador to Washington, the new Prime Minister has many things to take home and at home. abroad. It will take much more than being Donald Trump's best friend for the UK to restore everything its pre-referendum put on the international map.