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By offering her resignation, May hoped that enough conservative rebels would change their minds when she handed them the deal – maybe Friday. It is a difficult question: she needs 75 deputies to turn around.
But Johnson's approval, as well as the promise of May's departure, may still not be enough. The Radical Unionist Democratic Party, the North Irish group that supports May's government, delivered what could be a fatal blow at the end of the day, confirming that it would still not support the deal.
The unfortunate British Prime Minister may not have enough votes to secure his own resignation.
The nightmare of May at Brexit is a mess that she herself created. After taking office as prime minister in 2016, May did everything she could to prove her skills at Brexit. After voting Stay in 2016, she began praying on the altar of Brexit with more enthusiasm than expected.
The problem was that David Cameron, his predecessor, had left behind a small 12-year parliamentary majority. It was always clear that with such a split Parliament on Brexit, this reduced margin could be a problem.
But as her popularity increased among Brexit believers and faced with a seemingly weak opposition leader, May and her advisers saw an opportunity.
Thus, on April 27, 2017, May announced the holding of early elections. His speech was so confident and his commitment to Brexit so obvious that this former Minister of the Interior, who supported Rest of the Rest, was applauded by the Euroskeptic media. The Daily Mail newspaper announced that she would "crush the saboteurs" who were trying to block Brexit.
But it was a mbadive miscalculation. On June 8, the public took him a majority of May. It turns out that if you look so hard in one of the arguments of a binary argument, half of the nation does not like it very much.
It is there that things got complicated. Negotiations with Europe had begun and the noises were not positive. His loss of authority emboldened pro-European conservatives and a unified opposition.
To stay in power, May was forced to enter into an agreement with the Democratic Unionist Party of Northern Ireland. As its name indicates, the main concern of DUPs is that Northern Ireland remains a part of the United Kingdom and that it will do almost anything to oppose a united Ireland.
May's problem was that the most controversial issue of the Brexit negotiations was the maintenance of an open border on the island of Ireland.
The situation is unique. The Republic of Ireland is a member state of the EU. Northern Ireland is one of the four countries that make up the United Kingdom. The easiest way to prevent the return of border posts would be that the UK remains in the EU Customs Union.
But a key promise of the Brexiteer was that after his departure, the UK would be allowed to define its own trade policy. Membership in the EU Customs Union means that external trade policy is outsourced to Brussels.
Outside the Customs Union, customs controls should be held at the border, which means the return of border infrastructure – the absence of this control being one of the foundations of the Good Friday agreement ending decades of sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland.
Someone had the good idea, in the event that no solution was found, that Northern Ireland could remain aligned with the customs arrangements with the EU (essentially staying in the US). customs union), eliminating the need for a border.
The DUPs had absolutely nothing of that. This would mean that Northern Ireland would not only be treated differently from the rest of the United Kingdom, but that it would also open the prospect of a maritime boundary between Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Britain, which would make a united Ireland more likely.
British negotiators backed off and finally got a concession from the EU. What has been called the "support" of Northern Ireland would apply largely to the whole of the United Kingdom.
But remember the promise made in the United Kingdom to conclude its own trade agreements with the world?
It's not just the DUP that hated the deal. The Brexiteers said the safety net would let the UK become a vbadal state, potentially still subject to Eurocrats in Brussels.
And while May did her best to calm these two groups, she alienated gentler Brexiteers, who eventually decided that they had no reason to support her.
These trenches were dug a long time ago and, to tell the truth, no one wanted to go out. Until now.
For about a week, the tough guys have been worried about Brexit being "stolen" by Remainers. The EU has offered the UK a deadline on Brexit that could pave the way for another referendum. And the majority of Europeans in the House of Commons do not give up, as shown by Wednesday's indicative votes. Two of the three most popular results involved a customs union.
How's it going? May lost the last vote on her deal – the deciding vote # 2 – by a margin of 149. That means she has to turn around to 75 MPs to win by one.
But this is his best chance: to scare the lives of the Brexiteers; inform the gentler Brexiteers that their voices will be heard in future negotiations, as it did by allowing a free vote on alternative plans for Brexit, and offer him the lead for his contract.
One last point. Depending on how you calculate it, the majority of May with DUP is a single digit. Whoever takes over will inherit this unenviable situation. The gravity of this reality should be the main solution to the embarrbadment of the indicative votes.
And with a considerable number of laws to be pbaded as a result of Brexit and God knows what battles are going to follow, it's hard to see how the UK, a country whose politics have been shaken since 2016, has no elections before scheduled in 2022.
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