Elections in Rajasthan: the wind blows against Vasundhara Raje govt – but Modi manages to surpass himself

It is said that the slogan Modi tujh bair nahin, Vasundhara teri khair nahin, was raised for the first time in the politically agitated Shekhawati region of Rajasthan. Here, in September 2017, a 13-day, left-wing unrest forced the government to acknowledge farmers' plight and announce concessions to Sikar.

And in Jhunjhunu, in March, the first black flags were shown to the ruling BJP. with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje on stage, after which the administration began to frowns at black public gatherings.

Some see the fingerprints of a section of the Sangh all over the slogan – this reflects an offer to buy. isolate the prospects of the Modi government in 2019, they argue, the likely repercussions of the occupation of Rajasthan.

Whatever its slogan seems to have spread from its origins across the districts of Jaipur, Sikar, Jhunjhunu, Nagaur, Jodhpur and Udaipur.

At the very least, it captures the mixed nature of the impulse for whichParivartan "or policy change in which the outgoing BJP government looks unpopular, but where the benefit of mobilization rests still on the BJP, and despite the apparent difficulties of its popularity, with Prime Minister Modi.

The wind blows against the Raje government in a state where the BJP seems to have defeated its main opponent (Congress imitates the BJP on the temple and cattle, remains silent on "Muslim" issues), has colored the silence saying "third force" (its noisiest players are escapades from the BJP) and mobilized and moved to the right broad swaths of the electorate.

But first, the undeniable anti-warrant. In rural areas of Rajasthan, it is the persistent difficulties of having drinking water. And the distress of farmers, made up of the rising cost of inputs and difficulties in using the MSP.

"We do not even recover laagat (input costs)," Dinesh Kumar Arya, among a group of farmers from the village of Daulatpura in Sikar, expresses a widely heard complaint. The MSP is set at Rs. 1,950 per quintal for Bajra, but farmers say they have to sell between Rs. 1,100 and Rs. 1,200. It's a similar deficit for peanuts, wheat and gram. The nearby Sarkari wickets are closed too early, the online process is daunting and the wait for payments is long.

Meanwhile, because of the policy of the government and the vigilantes, the "aawara pashu" deteriorate problem, making "taarbandi (fence)" necessary in the fields, increasing the costs. Farmers talk about the last minute of loan forgiveness and harsh conditions to be able to take advantage of the late electricity subsidy.

The anti-status of president is also made up of the aftermath of demonetization and the difficulties of transition to the GST.

In Jodhpur, in a group of businessmen, the conversation is about extra paperwork, paperwork and more paperwork. "The GST has only boosted the bureaucracy of the lower echelons," says Radhey Shyam Ranga, who exports handicrafts and furniture. And in Nagaur, "Mazdoor pe maar hai (the businessman is shooting down at the worker). At a time when the cost of everything goes up, only our wages go down, "says Ikramuddin, who is perfecting the tools.

Government stratagems entangled in "prakriya (process)" and corruption reinforce anti-commitment. For example, the Bhamashah Yojana, presented by the Government of Rajasthan as the first direct benefit transfer program of its kind.

In the stories of people, the Bhamashah Swasthya Bima Yojana (health insurance scheme) is mired with supporting documents and signatures needed from one side and by the greed of private hospitals accused of increasing costs and escaping for reason

And in Sikar training centers and high caste drawing salons in cities like Jaipur and Jodhpur, the young people find an easy villain – for them, booking for caste back is to blame.

The caste quota is also at the top of the list of Rajputs demands in Rajasthan. In this election, the alienation of this community, or parts of it, created a new challenge for the BJP – former rulers and landowners, the Rajputs were a traditional vote bank of Jan Sangh-BJP even though the peasantry was attracted to Congress. post-independence agrarian reform movements.

In this list of dissatisfaction "Rajput": in August 2016, the property of Jaipur Rajmahal Palace was sealed by the Jaipur Development Authority; Jaswant Singh was denied a BJP ticket in 2014, his son Manvendra Singh left the BJP and is now the congressional candidate against Raje; the Anand Pal Singh gangster "meet" in 2017 and the historic Sheeter Chatur Singh story in Jaisalmer; "Samrau kaand (incident)" in a village near Jodhpur earlier this year, where tensions between Rajput and Jat erupted.

"The identity of Rajput is in crisis," says L Rathore, former vice-chancellor of Jodhpur University. "In the village they were overtaken by Jats and Bishnois (OBC). In urban areas, they feel excluded from the reserves. "

Under a babool tree, in the village of Sanderao, Jodhpur, Jaidev Singh Ranawat takes the quintessence of the Rajput posture:" The BJP is in our DNA. But now they do not give us enough tickets during the elections. Hum annadaata the, aaj bheekh mangte hain (we were benefactors, we are now obliged to beg). However, in the end, Rajput's anger against the BJP may be more reproach than rebellion. "We voted for Modi because of terrorism, Hindus and cow, and yet he does not do anything," says Ranawat.

True, the wave of Modi that swept Rajasthan in 2013 and 2014, winning the BJP of 163 seats out of 200 in the Assembly and on the 25 seats of Lok Sabha, fell back. "Ham pak gaye hain vigyapan himself, moorti himself. Bhookhe aadmi ko kuchch nahin soojhta (We are tired of propaganda, statues … a hungry man can not appreciate anything at all), "says Mohan Lalji, a businessman in a traveling store in Pindwara, near the Jodhpur-Udaipur road.

many of those who are grieving with the Rajasthan BJP government are also turning to the Modi government of the Center to adopt a Ram temple in Ayodhya. And despite all the painful consequences that have resulted, its demonetization policy is sustained – it is still largely seen as a measure taken in good faith. "If you work, you may be wrong about 10 things you do," says Bhagirath from Badusar village in Sikar, who explains his support for the prime minister.

Bhagirath is one of those who repeats slogan "Modi tujh se bair nahin, Vasundhara teri khair nahin". He is indifferent to Rahul, he says, because "How can we say something about him? He never sat at a seat of power and exercised no responsibility. "

Curiously, Prime Minister Modi also has more than a few congratulations for his" emptyh niti (foreign policy) "in towns and villages." Videshon mein naam kiya hai (he made himself a name for India abroad), "says Manish Marwal, in Mandawa, Jhunjhunu." Hinduon ka maan badhaya hai (he has respect for the Hindu), "says Shyamlal Prajapati, who runs a software franchise from TI to Sikar

But if Prime Minister Modi still has many doubts, CM Raje becomes the first magnet for dust raised by the anti-occupation.

His perceived height, which was his strength in a deeply feudal state, is now seen as evidence of a growing disconnect.Many people argue that the very ambitious mandate of 2013 has spawned arrogance.Or the contrary, that she spent most of her term fighting has supremacy of the BJP within the BJP.

In the field, RSS workers also complain about "Madame". They accuse his administration of not reacting to their agitations – against the demolition and removal of temples because of the subway work in Jaipur, or against the "love jihad" in the state districts.

For RSS, however, which has benefited from the BJP's power over the last five years, from rewriting textbooks to appointments at universities, anxiety has its limits. "Raje should win, but not win more than 100 seats," an RSS swayamswevak, who is also BJP district secretary, specifies the result he prefers.