Air defense agreement with Vladimir Putin shows that India skilfully manages its ties with Russia and the United States



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Responding to threats of sanctions from United Stations, India signed a $ 5.4 billion contract for the purchase of the S-400 Triumf air defense missile system from Russia during visit of President Vladimir Putin in early October. This is one of the most important Indo-Russian defense agreements of recent times. Some circles are expected to revitalize deteriorating Indo-Russian relations. During their visit, the two countries "reaffirmed their commitment to a special and privileged strategic partnership between India and Russia" and stressed the value of multipolarity and multilateralism.

The United States' reaction to the agreement was swift and concise, and India's sanctions initiative could be sanctioned by the law relating to the repression of American adversaries by sanctions Russian Defense Procurement, approved by the US Congress in 2017. While stressing that this law is not intended to hinder the military capabilities of US "allies or partners" and that it aims "to impose its perverse Russia, including by stopping the flow of funds to the Russian defense sector, "the United States has made it clear that waivers would be considered" transaction-by-transaction ". More worryingly, President Donald Trump suggested to India to "determine" whether punitive sanctions applied to the Russian agreement, while the State Department baderted that these agreements "were of no help" and that the United States was looking at them "very carefully".

Indian defense planners view the S-400 as a key element of capability as it can track multiple incoming targets, including aircraft, missiles, and unmanned aerial vehicles, up to 400 miles away. km and 30 km altitude. Through this agreement, India has ensured that Russia will remain the leading supplier of high-tech defense equipment in the foreseeable future, while challenging Washington on an issue now seen as the main challenge in terms of security. national security in the United States.

The surprise was, therefore, that this was one of the main topics discussed during the inaugural 2 + 2 Dialogue of September between the Foreign and Defense Ministers of India and the United States. Officials signed a Compatibility and Communications Security Agreement, or COMCASA, one of four fundamental agreements that the United States has signed with their closest defense partners to facilitate interoperability between the armed forces and the sale of advanced technologies. The agreement on the general security of military information was signed in 2002 and the memorandum of understanding for a logistics exchange in 2016. This has been in abeyance for some time. The final agreement required is the basic exchange and cooperation agreement facilitating geospatial exchanges and negotiations have not yet begun. COMCASA should facilitate access to advanced defense systems and allow India to optimally utilize its existing platforms of US origin.

Even under an administration as mercurial and transactional as Trump's, Indo-American relations have managed to gain momentum, shaped by the underlying strategic logic of convergence between the two nations. India has managed to find a central place in the Trump administration's strategic worldview, as outlined in the National Security Strategy and the National Defense Strategy. The Trump administration has been willing to push its limits, which is reflected in its approach to making India an integral part of the balance of power in Asia, as described in the US Pacific Strategy, as well as in an attempt to reshape the contours of US strategy in South Asia, which recognizes India's central role in Afghanistan's future, while recognizing that Pakistan is at the origin of the problem.

Mature relationship

The US position in the Indian defense matrix has also evolved, India buying The United States has received $ 18 billion defense items since 2008, although that the high-profile "Defense and Defense Technology" initiative aimed at stimulating the joint development and co-production of defense equipment does not live up to expectations. During the 2 + 2 dialogue, the two countries focused on strengthening the collaboration between the private defense industry, helping Indian defense manufacturers join the US military supply chain, thereby strengthening the "Make in India" initiative of the Modi government and placing innovation at the heart of this collaboration. . In the face of these high stakes, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and US Secretary of Defense James Mattis supported Russia's renouncements to India under its arms agreements. .

The United States imposed sanctions on Chinese entities in September for their S-400 transaction. If Trump makes an exemption for India, this would have global repercussions. Beijing has already hinted that India and China need to deepen their cooperation to fight against trade protectionism as a result of the unilateral approach taken by the United States in trade-related disputes. China is taking a new cooperative approach to India, and the Trump Administration's strategy is part of this complex equation.

The other challenge facing Indo-American relations is Iran's persistent question. After withdrawing from the international agreement to contain Iran 's nuclear weapons program in May, Trump has signed a decree formally reinstating US sanctions against terrorism. 39; Iran. All sanctions come into effect on November 4, while the majority of opponents are opposed to Washington's decision.

India considers it a priority to obtain derogations from Washington. The country is the second biggest buyer of Iranian oil after China. Indian companies have already begun to feel the pressure of US sanctions, which reduce the supply of Iranian oil, even though this may not be reduced to zero. Iran accounts for about 10 percent of India's total oil imports, and Reuters announced that Indian refiners halved monthly Iranian crude oil charges for September and October compared to the beginning of the year. . In addition, New Delhi faces a dilemma: the fall of the rupee and rising oil prices generate public pressure. In this context, India would have a hard time ignoring Iran and its preferential rates on oil purchases. Two Indian oil companies have placed orders to import Iranian crude and, to circumvent the sanctions imposed by the United States, New Delhi is trying to set up another payment system to buy Iranian oil and oil. 39, use the Indian rupee.

India said it needed to keep its channel of communication with the United States open and Washington said it remained sensitive to India's needs. It is also interesting to note that there has been no public conflict between India and the United States on these issues – a sign of the growing maturity of the relationship. Sanctions against India would defeat Indo-American ties by bringing it into the arms of Russia and endangering India's interests in the Middle East. Today, Washington understands Indian sensitivities much better and New Delhi has a more skilful strategic attitude towards the United States. To yield to US public pressure on these issues would open the door of New Delhi to accusations of abandoning its "strategic autonomy", a charge that any Indian government would want to avoid with imminent elections.

Joint Declaration 2 + 2 speaks of the need "to guarantee the freedom of the seas and skies, to support the peaceful settlement of maritime disputes, to promote a market economy and good governance and to prevent external economic coercion ". As long as both parties can stay the course, the differences between Russia and Iran are not likely to change the overall trajectory of relations between the two major democracies of the world.

Yale Global Online .

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