Forget development, the BJP will fight the 2019 elections on the faith

From Sabarimala south to the controversial site of Ayodhya in the north, abstract notions of faith direct the country's politics. Politics, in the custody of contemporary politicians, not only in India, but around the world, has been reduced only to a domination of feelings and emotions.

As we approach the 2019 general election, the article on development is no longer the article's faith, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) adhered to the pre-poll campaign of 2014 and promised. The questions of faith ended up defining the strategic movements and counter-movements of the BJP.

"Samaj is not governed by law," said the head of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Mohan Bhagwat, at the conclave of sadhus convened by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) in Ayodhya on Sunday 25 November.

Previously, the BJP's president, Amit Shah, had already tweeted earlier this month : "It's true that several stories of dumped places Rally for the faithful and spend the night next to dung and trash pigs are true, Pinarayi Vijayan must realize that he can not treat the faithful of Ayyappa as the prisoners of the Gulag. We will not let LDF crush people's faith with impunity. "

Will the elections of 2019 take place on the ground of faith against rationality – of reality versus faith – how many jobs have been generated? Is it improved? Do subordinates have better access to quality public health systems? For political clbades – in power or outside – these are not issues conducive to polls. Instead, they focus on the intangible questions of faith, which can raise pbadions.

Let's take a look at the controversy in Ayodhya .The VHP wants the government, on which it thinks to exercise legitimate control, to start facilitating the construction of a Ram temple on the site of the Babri Masjid mosque was demolished in December 1992. Adding weight on demand, the recalcitrant ally of the BJP and ruler Shiv Sena Uddhav Thackeray also landed at Ayodhya this Sunday.

It seems that the scene is preparing for a revival of the saga Ram janmabhoomi a different look back from 1992.

If Ram became a pawn to be moved on the Voting chessboard from north India, Lord Ayyappa of Sabarimala rivals him in the south. The ugly row around the entrance of women of all ages in the temple is based on another notion of faith. Large parts of devotees believe that the entrance of women of menstruating age will upset the single god. Both the BJP and Congress encourage faith-inspired believers.

It seems that faith, for the ruling party and its allies at the margins and at the center of the political / ideological scene, takes precedence over the courts and the constitution that define India. as a nation.

The controversies between Sabarimala and Ayodhya, undermined by social and political implications, are essentially born of faith. And Sangh and the ruling BJP are gearing up to pull the electoral mileage out of these emotional controversies. More than development, faith seems to have become the mascot that the BJP will plan and announce in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections of 2019.

At first sight, the various Sangh affiliates – the VHP, the BJP and its allies – seem to engage in a competitive Hindutva policy around the Ram Temple. But if you scratch the surface, you find a firm goal unit. It does not matter what they seem to be contradictory, even bellicose.

We must look beyond the immediate to understand the long-term implications of the recent renewal of Ram Janambhoomi as a political and electoral instrument.

The VHP gathered its supporters in Ayodhya and Uddhav Thackeray explicitly supported them. UP's BJP chief minister, Adityanath, revealed the image of Ram's statue that his government plans to build on the banks of the Sarayu River. This movement was seen as a maneuver to circumvent Thackeray's rash campaign for a Ram temple.

Is the aggression of the VHP worrying for the BJP? Is it going to be a headache for the saffron festival in the coming months? Now in power, the BJP can no longer play the role of agitator that it had played in the Ram Janambhoomi movement of the 1990s. But does that hurt its fundamental ideological agenda? Or are the dissonant strains emanating from the various Sangh camps strengthening their agenda?

It may be argued that the basic chorus adopted by Sangh's affiliates may differ in form, but the core is the same.

For example, one day after the "Dharam Sansad" in Ayodhya, the BJP's top leader and Union Minister, Uma Bharti, made every effort to support Thackeray's visit to Ayodhya. "Yes, I appreciate Uddhav Thackeray for his efforts. BJP does not have a patent on Ram Mandir, Lord Ram is for everyone, "Bharti told the ANI news agency on Monday. His statement comes one day after two of his party leaders – Deputy Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Keshav Prasad Maurya, and Ballia legislator, Surendra Singh – blamed Shiv Sena for his arrest. having usurped the Ayodhya program of the BJP

. For the same purpose, it may be useful to recall what Manjari Katju wrote in his book Hindu Democracy: Vishwa Hindu Parishad in Contemporary India :

"With his brother in power, he is natural that the VHP expects the government to relax the legislation and reduce red tape to help bademble the pillars and columns for the Ram Temple at the Babri site in Ayodhya. led to the completion and realization of an ideological objective. "

Atal Bihari Vajpayee's government did not do all that was necessary to achieve this goal. VHP hopes that the Modi government, with its overwhelming majority in the Lok Sabha, will stick to the fundamental political program of the Sangh, and expects the Modi government to deliver a Ram temple to Ayodhya. [19659023] [ad_2]
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