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A few months after Israel's victory in the Six-Day War in 1967, the UN Security Council pbaded a resolution unambiguously stating the international position on captured Arab lands. Resolution 242 emphasized "the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war" and affirmed that "just and lasting peace" should be based on principles such as "the withdrawal of the Israeli armed forces". territories occupied during the recent conflict ". This is one of the foundations of further discussions on the Arab-Israeli conflict. Donald Trump once again showed reckless disregard for international standards by announcing that the United States should recognize Israel's sovereignty over the occupied Golan Heights.
In doing so, the President of the United States has vowed vengeance that he will present "the ultimate agreement" to end the Arab-Israeli conflict, which is even more absurd. How can the United States command respect in the Arab world when its leader is considered a violation of international law? Indeed, Mr. Trump has set a dangerous precedent that may have repercussions far beyond the region. This immediately undermines the position of the West, for example during the annexation of Crimea by Russia.
As stated in Resolution 242, the Golan Heights is a Syrian territory occupied by Israel since 1967. The Jewish state applied Israeli law to the region in 1981, but the international community rejected annexation. Previous US leaders sought to resolve the problem through negotiations using the land-for-peace approach recognized by the international community. This principle allowed Anwar Sadat and Menachem Begin to sign the landmark 1979 Egyptian-Israeli treaty that led to the Israeli withdrawal from the Sinai Peninsula.
Two decades later, former US President Bill Clinton was about to negotiate a settlement between Syria and Israel before the negotiations failed in 2000 because of disputes over the control of shore of the Sea of Galilee. But Mr Trump seems to believe that he can ignore international conventions. Earlier, he had ignored the warnings of Washington's Arab and European allies and overturned seven decades of American politics by recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and moving the US embbady there.
This has seriously compromised one of the three fundamental issues at the heart of the conflict – the status of the disputed holy city. Now, the American president has undermined a second: the return of occupied land. He fears that he plans to act on the third point, namely the right of return of Palestinian refugees.
He can bet that, by speaking out preventively on the thorniest of problems, he can force an agreement on the Palestinians, leaving them little room for maneuver. This is totally irresponsible and risks fueling extremism and instability in the region. Trump's actions are fueling Iran and militant groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas.
Even Arab leaders who hate Bashar al-Assad, the Syrian dictator, and give priority to Mr. Trump's belligerent stance against Iran over the fate of the Palestinians can not be seen as approving the transfer of Arab lands to Israel. To make matters worse, Trump's announcement seemed to be aimed at boosting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ahead of the 9 April elections.
Few people in the Arab world expect the United States to be an honest broker. But he has long been the main diplomatic player. Palestinians should at least be able to expect a semblance of impartiality. Mr. Trump's erratic policy in the Middle East only seems to punish Iran, by communicating with the right-wing Israeli government and by attracting petrodollars to the autocracies of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. This does not correspond to a solid strategy.
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