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Coalition and opposition MPs debate on Wednesday the equality of progressive Jewish movements in Israel.
(photo credit: MASORTI MOVEMENT IN ISRAEL)
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The Knesset is often, if not generally, the nerve center of Israeli politics. Will this or that controversial bill be pbaded? Will the finance committee approve funding for a key policy? Did Oren Hazan from Likud really say that about another MP?
This is what has been happening for a few weeks: the majority of a coalition seat makes each vote suspensive and dramatic. Any vote gives the opposition a chance to come together and have a realistic enough plan to block the coalition's efforts.
But behind this scene of drama and enthusiasm lies a Knesset that does not do much.
The way the Knesset usually works is that government and coalition bills are submitted to the plenaries on Monday and Tuesday, the most controversial being reserved for Mondays. On Wednesdays, private members' bills are subject to a preliminary reading, which means that many opposition proposals are put to the vote.
Now, with the 61-seat coalition, very few bills are presented on Mondays and Tuesdays, and the coalition must strive to ensure that opposition bills stay in check on Wednesday. But even if something goes wrong with the coalition on a Wednesday, it still controls the Knesset committee, which can delay the tabling of the bill by a committee, blocking any progress for an indefinite period.
In other words, neither the coalition nor the opposition will vote a law in the Knesset in the current political constellation.
Coalition members admitted it this week. A member of the coalition hoped that a bill that she had pbaded after a preliminary reading would continue to go through the legislative process, but she also did not think it would happen any time soon.
But she also did not consider that it prevented this coalition from remaining intact.
"We will not do a lot of laws," she shrugged at the Knesset cafeteria this week.
A prominent member of the cabinet said that his huge ministry continued its activities as usual and that in addition to taking a lot of time, visits to the Knesset have no real impact on his work.
The opposition – especially the Zionist Union – may implode under pressure to try to thwart the coalition, but the coalition has a major advantage in that unlike the opposition, the Knesset does not have everything.
Ministers can do a lot without the Knesset. Many policies are not laws and do not require the approval of the Knesset, or only require committee approval, where there are many fewer votes to be debated.
Some joke that it's good for the Knesset to be semi-inert because they can do less damage that way. And of course, there is still an element of parliamentary control in the Knesset, although in the Israeli legislature, bills have always been put forward.
But this phenomenon raises broader questions. There must be three branches of government, each with a different job in maintaining Israeli democracy. Although the Knesset is the only branch elected by the people, it has long been a weaker link than the government and the judiciary. Public confidence in the Knesset is very low, with 27% among Jewish Israelis and 19% among Israeli Arabs, according to a survey by the Institute of Israeli Democracy in January 2018.
There is nothing illegal to further weaken the Knesset, but if it continues as it has done so far, with a facade of constant chaos and drama but a reality of stasis and inefficiency, the Public confidence will not be increased and could undermine the balance. powers in our democracy even further.
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