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The Knesset's debate on the basic Israeli bill as the nation-state of the Jewish people is of paramount importance just after the declaration of national independence. If pbaded, the law will foment a revolution, not less. This will mark the end of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state linked to the principles of the Declaration of Independence (a commitment that was in an earlier version of the bill and was deleted); a state linked to universal and liberal values (whose sources can be found in Jewish and other cultures), even if they are not perfectly realized in practice. This state will be replaced by a Jewish state, religious and ultranationalist, anti-humanist and anti-liberal.
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This will not only be the case because of the constitutional and racist authority to establish "pure" communities On the basis of religion or ethnicity – in practice, Jewish communities from which Arabs are excluded. On the contrary, it is mainly because, despite the name and content of the bill, Israel is not only the nation-state of the Jewish people. It is also the state of all its citizens, including its Arab citizens. If it was not the case, it would not be a democracy. A fundamental law that ignores this reality is a law that excludes and humiliates others, and that invites total and heinous rejection, not only from non-Jews, but from anyone with an ounce of humanity and dignity. # 39; s equity. Moreover, a country that has no borders can not define itself. If the territories are annexed, can Israel define itself as the nation-state of the Jewish people? In fact, yes, but only according to the school of thought of "apartheidists" threatening to take control of the Knesset because of morally corrupt competition for the right-wing title.
It is very doubtful that the Knesset has the authority to take such a revolutionary step, which uproots the core values of the state. A justice system that is not committed to equality can not be considered a justice system.
The unacceptable nature of the bill is also evidenced by contradictory and misleading explanations of its purpose. On the one hand, it is baderted that it will not express the character of Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people (that is to say, that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu once again declares the creation of the state of Israel). On the other hand, it is argued that this will change the balance between the national character of the state, which the High Court of Justice destroyed by giving too much weight to human rights . Why? Because we do not have a constitution, we do not have deeply rooted fundamental rights, there are no clear rights to equality and freedom of life. expression, the court, under constant badault, has no firm powers. Because the court may consider demolishing an Arab community to establish a Jewish community and approve the composition of an agency that decides land allocation policy in Israel, of which nearly half of the members represent the Jewish National Fund Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael, which is obligated interests of Jews only. In this reality, the adoption of an armored basic law in the name of which the violation of equality and other rights can be justified is a catch-all action of the majority, because that she can. The debate on the bill by its supporters, such as its sponsor, MP Avi Dichter (Likud), and Knesset Committee Chairman Nissan Slomiansky (Habayit Hayehudi) is pathetic and ridiculous when they complain that Jews In Israel, and therefore, contrary to all that is known in the world, the Jewish majority, and not the permanent minority, needs special constitutional protection.
If this fundamental law is adopted, Israel will become a leader among the nationalist countries like Poland and Hungary, to which it has recently approached, while distancing itself from properly directed Western countries. Even in the most nationalist countries, the constitution grants minority status or is committed to equality, not just as a word of mouth service. Israel wants to be "darkness for the nations" – to remove the mask in order to reveal the ugly face of ultra-nationalist Israel in all its repugnance. Those who ostensibly want to glorify the Jewishness of the state do the opposite. If the fundamental and permanent significance of the Jewish state, based on its constitutional identity, is the exclusion and humiliation of the permanent minority, the Arabs; if, in the name of nationalism, he ignores the tradition of human rights, who can help but criticize it?
With this basic law, the state separates from the liberal Jews of the world. The latest version of the bill, apparently at the request of the ultra-Orthodox parties, is increasing the distance of the Jews from the world. According to the new version, it is only in the diaspora that the state will work to maintain the link with the Jewish people. In Israel, he will continue to harm this relationship, as he has done all the time.
By leading the nation-state law, Netanyahu has put himself in opposition to President Reuven Rivlin. The latter wants to bring together the different tribes of Israel so that a civil society can exist here. The first is to sow separatism and factionalism between Jews and Arabs (it would be difficult to find a more alienating and indisposing action than this law, the latest version of which is more damaging to the status of Arabic), between Israel and the Arab world. world Jewry, between the layman and the religious, the liberals and the non-liberals.
Apparently, Netanyahu and his Likud colleagues replaced the spirit of Zeev Jabotinsky with that of Bezalel Smotrich and Habayit Hayehudi's company. A government that does this can not claim to be the government of all Israelis. A Knesset that does this can not enjoy public legitimacy. Those who sow the bad wind that blows from this law, will reap the whirlwind.
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