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The main consideration in the minds of NASA leaders was whether the judges would have the confidence to require careful scrutiny of the server. Given the mbadive evidence that NASA had discovered by processing the results on the server, evidence of unauthorized access to the system would be the main piece of evidence. The ability of judges to do justice in this regard was not badured, as was NASA's ability to obtain irrefutable evidence.
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The coalition had agents in the 290 constituencies, but in many of them, the results were not announced in the manner provided by the law. The Parallel Control Center therefore has no clean digits.
After almost two days of silence, 13 Raila held two public rallies in Kibera and Mathare. "The fraud Jubilee perpetuated on Kenyans exceeds any level of voter theft in the history of our country.This time we caught them," he tweeted later.
NASA kept up pressure on IEBC, writing three letters requesting forms that were used to report the result. On the 15th, the director general of IEBC, Ezra Chiloba, wrote to NASA to tell him that he had not received all the 34A forms, but that he would only provide the 34B forms that were used to report the result.
This was sufficient evidence that the constitutional requirement of verification had not occurred. IEBC was in the process of deleting the forms originally posted on the portal, many of which had been downloaded and backed up by NASA activists and supporters
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Petition to the Supreme Court
One of the most prevalent forms, taken from Polling Station 2 of Bulla Dudacha, which had been filled on a notebook sheet, had been replaced.
The idea that Raila would not go to court to challenge the results if Jubilee won had two positive effects; he made the IEBC complacent and allowed concerned voters in the Uhuru bastions to make their own knowledge of rot known without being seen as helping Raila. Unfortunately, on the side of NASA, this belief had made the authorities too complacent to gather more and more evidence that, even if Raila was not going to court, should have been preserved for any public process that the coalition had decided to continue.
On the 16th, I relocated to my office when I received a call from Hamida Kibwana, the officer in charge of electoral operations at NASA headquarters. She asked me to go quickly to Raila's office in Capital Hill to discuss something with him.
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When I arrived, she announced that Raila and Musyoka had decided the day before to petition the Supreme Court. Kibwana said that she was badembling different teams to gather evidence for the case, which was to be filed within two days.
Her team of strategists had developed a catalog of problems to monitor and developed an evidence documentation system, but now she needed a team of people who could review all the documents that the coalition had received from the IEBC. the evidence for the lawyers. She wanted me to lead a team of volunteers and students who would arrive in the hour to review all forms.
In the meantime, several people have arrived at the office, among them university students. We wanted to start by training volunteers on what to monitor, but it was frustrated because the internet connection in Capital Hill was mediocre. We decided to move to the Okoa offices in Kenya where we arrived at the moment when Raila, Musyoka and Mudavadi were finishing the press conference during which they announced their decision to go to court.
At 7 pm, Kibwana had gathered about 30 people, whom I had never met before. Some came from the constituent parties of NASA. She conducted the training for about half an hour, telling us how the forms were completed and indicating the areas to be monitored.
The main task was to compare the figures on Forms 34A and 34B. After the training, she called me to tell me what would scare me deep within myself. The intelligence service heard of NASA's decision to go to court before being made public and was doing its best to scuttle evidence collection. She had two other surveillance groups, and one had been raided, forcing him to relocate the team to Raila's home in Karen. For this group, I should try to take all possible precautions. She would provide security guards to keep us all night, and no one should enter or leave the compound without my knowledge. All our results should be recorded in pencil on the forms, and these typed into a computer, whose report should be emailed as soon as it is completed, to an account that it would provide in the 39; hour.
To not lose everything in case of attack, she would only let me have a few 34B forms to begin with and the rest provided later. I had to design a system to keep only the shapes that were actively worked on the tables and hide the rest in the most unlikely places. Shortly after leaving the enclosure, a group of about eight bouncers arrived to monitor. Their head was a familiar face of Orange House, the headquarters of the ODM. He described their approach, which included locking the doors from the outside.
My first concern was where to keep the documents. There was no unlikely place within Okoa Kenya to keep records as all the rooms had been turned into offices. We designed a weak system that, although my colleagues on the exam did not know, would easily be brought to light by any policeman worthy of the name.
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We have been pained all night, and even for us not very aware of the electoral process, the scrutiny revealed omissions and commissions too great for have escaped the attention of well trained officers. indicating premeditated proof of rigging.
While Kibwana was doing its best to maintain professional control, the exercise was beset by institutional weaknesses that I had observed in most NASA operations. When the guy with whom she sent extra forms brought them to us around 1am, he tried to change the reporting system we used, but when he explained his new system, he came up with the same result from Kibwana. . Also strange was the lack of communication at the top as to how long we had.
Rebademble the team to start the examination
At around 4:30 am, some of the team members who were working started to leave to get ready for their day's work.
Our internal understanding was that those who remained would continue to work until Kibwana arrived around 8 am to retrieve the material. When the lawyers, at the last stage of the report, left just before 6 am, we had to stop working.
Come 7am, Kibwana said that she would not come to supervise the work, but that she would instead send Olga Karani, who had been NASA's deputy chief agent in Bomas. When I reached Karani, she said that I should continue to work with the team until 4 pm and submit a full report.
But hardly had we finished the call that the guy from the previous night arrived, with instructions that my team should give him everything. After my work, I went to my office to work half a day before taking all afternoon.
To my dismay, Kibwana called me around 7:00 pm that night to tell me that I needed to rebademble the team to start the examination from where we had gone. It was too late to summon the team, most of whom had not been taken phone numbers. Moreover, I had told those whose numbers I had that the work was finished.
The man who had brought the confusion had apparently taken the forms without explaining the status of our work. It is with a bit of luck that the final report of the clearing office was emailed to Kibwana at different stages, otherwise all the effort would have been lost.
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The last day to present a petition, August 18, came with anticipation. Journalists have camped in the Supreme Court since early this morning, waiting for NASA to file its long awaited case. It was not until around 9pm that Raila arrived at the Supreme Court with a truck full of evidence of rigging. The archiving of the petition lasted past midnight.
What led Raila to change his position of not going to court is a mystery, but the main reason I learned from the badistants was that he wanted to save time while it "s time. he was thinking about a strategy to continue political activism on rigging. At his press conference announcing his decision to present a petition, he said that the crackdown on civil society groups who could have been brought to justice left him with no choice but to file his own petition. l & # 39; case.
His collaborators believe that American pressure influenced the decision. The level of contact between the United States and Raila was so high that former President Barack Obama himself called on Raila to urge him to use "legal means" to challenge the outcome. he believed that there was evidence of foul play.
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