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Bbadil deals with the settlement in his interest rather than that of his partners. Therefore, some will say that it is not possible to call the coup d'état complete because the settlement was the basis of the arrival of General Michel Aoun to the Presidency and Hariri to the Prime Minister. In this sense, the regulation is still in force. What happened is that Bbadil turned his back on his Christian partner, but not the settlement he is completing, which is still based on the understanding of Aoun – Hezbollah – Hariri. This triad is still standing and cohesive despite the differences, and those who fell in battle are the "weakest" groups, namely Samir Geagea and Walid Jumblatt, to be the chances of "Hezbollah". What Bbadil wants from the agreement is to stay and continue, but on his terms, that is, he is the strongest team based on Hezbollah's strength and weakness. Saad Hariri.
He draws from the colony what he wants by relying on the strength of Hezbollah and, by virtue of that, constitutes the alliance. President Michel Aoun told Ja & # 39; as he had already done to Hariri and Jumblatt. Based on these factors, Bbadil could take what he wants from the colony, but the fundamental question is whether Hariri will complete this process of concessions, or will he even stand against Bbadil?
Bbadil thinks Hariri can not get out of the settlement because he has to be prime minister, and his political future is tied to Basile's political future. He wants him to remain a permanent prisoner and that he does not move away from him towards Jumblatt or President Nabih Berri. Moreover, Hariri was dealing with the basis of the separation between Basile and the President of the Republic until he reaches a stage that can no longer be solved after everyone has said that the President of the Republic had led us to Basil.
The same question, that of standing up to Basile, is posed to the other political parties, with whom the Minister of Foreign Affairs deals in a way that is not credible. Starting with the "forces" who will not believe it "because he has disowned his signature and has not adhered to it in any way".
The "future" is no longer able to put his hand in his hand, and he strongly cooperates with him, not as a political component, and he may be waiting for the end of the era of 39; Aoun to break the relationship with him, with the bet that the end of the reign of Aoun will affect Bbadil's audience.
The reality of relations with the Amal Movement does not differ from that of the future: there is no sympathy or chemistry between the two parties.
As for the relationship with the "socialist", it has happened and there is nothing wrong with its contamination with blood. The other party believes that Bbadil tried to "manipulate and control reconciliation by imposing a new type of commitment, represented by the Mbad of Repentance and Forgiveness", as if he said that Jumblatt was repenting and that we forgive. This is in addition to his attempt to use Minister Talal Arslan in an unequal confrontation between Druze that led to the mobilization of the Druze behind Jumblatt.
Hezbollah, which has special accounts related to its need for Christian leverage, might not be represented by Bbadil at the end of Aoun's reign, as his vision of the issue is strategic and he is currently neglecting the details.
Regardless of the "failure" that some believe that the Pact is being dealt with at the regional and international levels in the current Foreign Minister's era, the internal file situation does not appear to be any better considering the "l & # 39; The total absence of friendly relations with any political party. The second is to secure the enmities and we find that he has achieved tremendous success, so he has more friends. Is it the path of compromise that has reached the first presidency Can an alliance be strong without a strong government?
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