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A year later, Shuweifat's and Hastin's problems provoked a Druze-Druze conflict between Progressive Socialist Party leader Walid Jumblatt and Lebanese Democratic Party leader Talal Arslan. Both opposed the two problems, but for one common purpose: the liquidation of political accounts in bloody language.
Although it was not the first time, both sides clashed or the conflict between two opposing men escalated into local rivalries, which often made them forget the blood of a Druze druze in the street. Shock. Behind each of them were their allies, an integral part of the problem and contrasting with the interior of Lebanon, but also directly and brutally about the war in Syria and the position of its president, Bashar al- Assad. It was natural for Jumblatt to find a safe haven for President Nabih Berri and they sent his shrine to Hezbollah.
In the absence of a Christian group concerned over what is happening between al-Mukhtarah and Khaldah, as well as by President Saad Hariri, it became clear that Hezbollah and the Amal movement, as an indirect party, are interested in to raise Druze prices, to extinguish them and to prevent them.
The Choueifat incident was attributed to the repercussions of the May 2018 legislative elections, which allowed the balance of powers of Aley and Chouf to be unprecedented since the 1992 elections. By the force of competition, The Free Patriotic Movement has clashed with Jumblatt, who is accustomed to settling in Aley and Chouf since 1992. During the Syrian period, Damascus to facilitate the election of some of its allies. Then, in the elections of 2005 and 2009, he has, as he pleases, approved new deposits – just before that date – in Chouf and Aley for the Lebanese Forces Party and the Phalange Party. In the elections of 2018, the scene changed: the party of the President of the Republic and Minister Gebran Bbadil entered Aley and Chouf with four deputies who occupy nearly one third of the seats in the two districts. On the other side of the conflict, following the events of Choueifat, he is not far from the motives of the orchard incident, an exchange of Joumblatt with the president Michel Aoun, taken again by a mediator friend during a breakup between the two men since the May elections. The Hariri government in exchange for a promise to appoint him later as chief of the army staff. He handed over to the president a list of possible names for the minister who did not belong to him, nor to Arslan, but Aoun chose in his place the Druze Third Minister of Arslania, which angered Jumblatt, who won the second part of the barter.
The Choueifat incident is the result of a "normal" Druze-Druze conflict and a mixed Druze-Christian conflict that confronted Basil and the Free Patriotic Movement, which had swollen more than the Habitual internal equation since 1992. This is what happened on June 30: And the West Market, and its tour in the villages of Aley District, the end of Baqberchmon and what happened in the orchards. The Druze-Christian political problem began in the aftermath of the 2018 elections, but ended with the persistent tension of May 2018 in the Druze-Druze Shweifat. Today, it is much like that. Bbadel was no longer a political party and it became necessary to ensure security and justice after Arslan supporters took to the streets and cut off roads, backed by Hezbollah, in response to Supporters of Jumblatt in the streets of Orchards, Kibrishmon and other villages of Aley District. Gunmen on both sides opened fire and exchanged the victims, as well as political accusations related to the fact that Druze Druze Third Minister Dr Saleh al-Gharib's convoy was targeted and murdered.
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