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MEXICO CITY (APR) .- The eschatological show that has just ended, sometimes called "dirty war", is not at all different from what we had seen during the previous elections, especially in 2006 However, the country already had a different political situation
The failure of the government function does not only correspond to one party but to two. In the space of 12 years, between 2000 and 2012, there have been two changes of government, but none has formulated the relevant criticisms nor proposed a change of direction. In a period of 18 years, alternating parties failed after applying the same policy.
While the confrontation between the PRI and PAN flag bearers was often something personal, since the accusations between them never touched the direction of government, both presented the same denials to the candidate of Morena because of deep differences with his program. The programmatic convergence between the old parties was evident in discourse and polemics.
The danger to the unknown, called "populism," "irresponsibility," "events," "crazy things," etc., was nothing more than the repudiation of a change political orientation of the government and Congress.
Candidates of the bipartisan political line spoke a lot about the imminent danger of a return to the past, of recurring economic crises, economic stagnation and social regression, but without admitting that in the last 18 years no growth was observed and the income distribution deteriorated.
The two neo-liberalism candidates have launched an unprecedented platform of social policy promises that do not match their true inclinations. Against the other applicant. Few people believed them, logically.
Some center-right intellectuals have recognized a certain failure of neoliberalism in Mexico, but they have spread the idea that diverting the course would be a return. On top of that, Aguilar Camín (Milenio, 27.06.18) has argued that this neoliberalism was the one that led to political competition, as if the old PRI system and its right-wing opposition had favored the political freedoms that have nowadays # This is to say that they want to erase the Mexican left as if it had never existed, which we do not know the long and painful process of popular struggle for political reforms, including the first shock of 1988.
the crime and violence that affects the country are not added to an ongoing national crisis. In this subject, everything seems to indicate that things are getting worse quickly. The alternation of old parties not only failed, but is part of the same problem that was incubated in the absence of a social program, in the widespread corruption and in the deterioration of the l '. public apparatus.
The criticism of the corrupt Mexican state can not come from the same who built this system of government. When the candidates of the parties most committed to corruption launched with a certain despair to condemn it, they generally referred to the phenomenon, without entering into thorny details. This confirmed what we already knew: the condemnations of the corruption of the leaders of the PRI and the PAN hardly believe anyone, let alone themselves.
Amidst attacks, false statements and insults were made a political contest which, however, ended as it had begun. The preferences remained about the same as at the beginning of those months when one was trying to discredit a democratic and social program.
A large part of Mexican society had already changed at that time and had also formed the political force capable of leading it. The power knew it, but he had to defend himself as much as he could, that was his obligation to himself.
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