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New laws on "foreign influence" were passed by the federal parliament on June 28, as well as increased powers of the police in espionage and sabotage of infrastructure. The laws claim to thwart the pernicious effect of overseas countries, especially China, on Australian democracy.
"The media has suggested that the Chinese Communist Party is working to secretly interfere with our media, our universities, and even the decisions of elected officials," warned Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. He promised that these transactions would be "exposed to the sun".
Labor backed the new laws, despite concerns from the Greens and groups such as Amnesty International that they could be used against media outlets, government critics or protesters such as anti-government activists. -Adani in the mines.
It is unclear to what extent the government takes seriously its own rhetoric about Chinese interference in Australia. Maybe it's just an attempt to inspire racist paranoia. But China's growing influence over the other countries of the Asia-Pacific is quite serious.
As part of the Belt and Road Initiative, China is funding $ 1 trillion infrastructure projects around the world. But the IRB is not limited to spending on infrastructure. The IRB must be the foundation of a global trade and political network centered on China. In time, it could compete with the current international system of trade and diplomacy dominated by the United States and its allies such as Australia
Australia – Defender of Pacific Sovereignty
When Papua New Guinea joined the IRB last month, Foreign Minister Julie Bishop warned against a Chinese takeover. If the recipient countries are "trapped in unsustainable debt problems," she said, "the trap can then be a debt-equity swap and they have lost their sovereignty." Australian aid programs in the Pacific do not have such an ulterior motive, said Bishop: "We want to be the natural partner of choice." We recognize that we are not the only partner but we would like the Pacific to consider Australia as providing them with the kind of support that maintains their sovereignty, maintains their economic stability and does not become an unbearable burden of debt. "
The idea that Australian policy aims to defend the sovereignty of island nations against foreign raptors reminiscent of the infamous words of a US military officer during the Vietnam War: "It was necessary to destroy the city to save it".
Papua New Guinea was an Australian colony until 1975. Australia remains the dominant foreign economic actor, with $ 18 billion invested in 2016, more than in any other country. Australian aid to PNG totaled $ 540 million in 2017-2018 – more than two-thirds of PNG's total foreign aid income and 8% of the government's budget.
The economic power of Australia has a lot of influence. Since 2004, Australian officials have been integrated into key positions in the PNG public service, police and army.
More than 40% of Australian aid serves to ensure "good governance", more than health and education combined. Behind the facade of technocratic neutrality, "good governance" is the diplomatic code for imposing Australia's preferred neoliberal model of economic management and service delivery. Governance programs are executed by private sector consultants selected and managed by Australia.
Similar examples could easily be enumerated. Last year, Solomon Islands reached an agreement with the Chinese company Huawei to build a new international underwater Internet connection. To avoid this threat to the sovereignty of the Solomon Islands, Australia intervened to fund most of the construction and prevent Huawei from going out.
Like Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands is heavily dependent on Australia for aid funding. In 2003, Australia sent hundreds of soldiers, police and civilian administrators into the island nation in a context of civil unrest and took on many of the government's core functions. This intervention officially ended in 2017, but the Australian aid program remains invested in the police and, of course, governance.
East Timor and the "rule of law"
Australian Defense Minister Marissa Payne also joined, recounting a multilateral forum held in Singapore in June:
"Nations must … have the right to to be free from any constraint or criticism when they legally and reasonably communicate their concerns about the behavior of others.That goes up to the reasonable expectation that rules, and not the exercise of power, govern our actions. "
Payne cited the conclusion of a border treaty with East Timor earlier this year as an example of the commitment of the United States. Australia to the rule of international law.The hypocrisy is staggering.Since sending troops to East Timor in 1999 to protect its own interests during the transition from Indonesian rule, Australia has handled the new nation with a mixture of al of contempt and greed. Constraint and criticism circulated freely.
Australia has refused for years to accept a border in the Timor Sea based on the international standard of the middle line between the two countries. This deprived East Timor, one of the poorest countries in the world, billions of dollars in oil revenues, a deliberate attempt to force the leaders of the new nation to sign an unfair agreement.
The then Australian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alexander Downer, responded to East Timor's demands for a more equitable agreement on oil revenues by saying, "We are very tough … Let me give you a tutorial in politics. "
It is now known that Australia has used the cover of a reconstruction project of AusAid to disturb the East Timorese cabinet during oil negotiations. Australia, however, has demonstrated its commitment to the rule of law – accusing a former Australian spy and a lawyer representing East Timor, who denounced the scandal, for betraying national secrets.
In 2006, Australian troops were deployed again in the East. Timor when civil unrest threatened the elected government of the Fretilin party, led by Mari Alkatiri. Far from remaining neutral in the conflict, Australia has given full support to Alkatiri's political rivals, Xanana Gusmão and José Ramos-Horta. Alkatiri was considered by the Australian authorities to be under the influence of China, while Gusmão and Ramos-Horta were considered more friends of the Western powers.
Regional Military Links of Australia
Australia has military and economic interests in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific. Rumors that China wanted to establish a military base in Vanuatu sparked panic among Australian policymakers earlier this year. Last month, we worried about berthing a Chinese "spy boat" next to an Australian warship – while both were visiting in Fiji! The spying mission of one country is the spying mission of another country.
The Australian army is openly seeking strategic influence in neighboring countries. The 2016 Defense White Paper stated: "Australia will continue to seek to be the leading security partner for the countries of Papua New Guinea, Timor-Leste and the Pacific Islands, deepening our security partnerships.
This program buys more than 160 million dollars of influence for Australia a year, in military training and in military equipment.
Further afield, Australia maintains a close military relationship with Malaysia, with Australian troops and planes being in permanent rotation air base over the strategically vital Malacca Strait.
Since 2017, Australian military and intelligence forces have also participated in a highly secretive operation against "Islamic terrorism" in the southern Philippines. And Singapore has a long-standing agreement to use Australia as a training base for its armed forces.
Imperialist maneuvers and return of the rivalry of the great powers
Australia does not oppose foreign influence in the Asia-Pacific. He is being rivaled by China.
Australian strategists have always enjoyed maintaining stable and friendly diets throughout Southeast Asia and the South Pacific. This region serves as a buffer against any hostile power threatening the mainland of Australia and crosses vital shipping routes for international trade and communications with the allies of great power.
Since the end of the Second World War, Australia and the United States relatively undisturbed dominance throughout the region. The rise of China and its ambition to compete with US power in the Asia-Pacific region upset this status quo, opening a period of heightened imperialist competition.
One aspect of this competition is the influence of small nations, whose governments seek protection "from one of the major powers, or attempt to play a rival against another to advance their own interests. [19659002] Diplomatic struggles are likely to multiply only in the years to come, but China has a lot of catching up to do if it wants to displace Australia as the biggest tyrant in the bloc.
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