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Four years ago, the day that Narendra Modi was elected Prime Minister, I wrote that India was entering its most sinister phase since independence. It was a well-founded fear for anyone who had noted Modi's unwavering commitment to Hindu supremacism and the fragility of the Indian economy. Today, as Modi fails to create jobs or eradicate corruption, his government has resorted to violence against minorities and "anti-nationals". As Imran Khan prepares to become Pakistan's new prime minister, he is not unreasonable He settles into his most turbulent phase since 1947.
It is true that, unlike Modi, Khan has no tainted record of governance. He also has not beaten drums for far-right ideology since his childhood. He came to politics in his forties after a career in sport and philanthropy; and, unlike Modi, he was known as a Western playboy.
This vast experience – of the upper middle class of Lahore and plutocratic London, piety as well as hedonism – might incline somebody to give him the benefit of the doubt, and credit with ideological flexibility rather than fanaticism. Indeed, Khan's often expressed commitment to social justice is admirable in a society that commonly defies this ideal. Yet, waiting impatiently in the antechamber of power, he has manifested disturbing tendencies.
Personality traits are barely negligible in politics, as Donald Trump revealed in his move to earth as the most powerful man in the world. In the case of Khan, another unproven outsider in mainstream politics, they are a crucial clue to how he will behave in the office.
It has long been clear that he had an ego the size of a trump. easy erotic conquests helped to build. He entered politics in the 1990s with a sense of common law among the political dynasties that he despised, and a series of setbacks seemed to just harden his certainty that political power in Pakistan was his birthright.
Convinced that he is the divinely ordained agent In recent years, Mr. Khan has been striving to reduce the fury of his country's fragile democratic institutions. He injected a hysterical and hostile tone into Pakistani politics, which decades of coups and assassinations had already degraded into a zero-sum affair. For someone claiming to be revolutionary, committed to destroying the venal dynastic elites of Pakistan, he seemed too eager to make deals with the old regime – his sordid politicians, his hired fundamentalists, his dark spies and his megalomaniac officers. Taking advantage of being a "true liberal" – as opposed to those whom he calls "westernized" liberals -, Khan has vigorously defended Pakistan's draconian anti-blasphemy law. He also did little to prevent members of his personality cult from aggressively attacking his detractors, especially women and western liberals, on social media.
The fanatical zeal of these trolls suggests that Khan, like Modi, successfully transmitted his extravagant and long-term dream of fame and power thwarted by many of his followers. Like their Indian counterparts, who bought Modi's claim to own a 56-inch chest, young Pakistanis tend to proxy to a politician. which radiates hyper-masculine virility rather than intellectual refinement or political skill.
But there is a tragic gap between their digital fantasies of individual empowerment and the harsh reality of their country – currently signified by a highly indebted economy
conciliatory acceptance, Khan invoked the intention with which he entered politics two decades ago: to redeem the unfulfilled potential of his country. He has graciously reached out to his opponents, and one can only hope at this point that he will work hard with them to create what he calls "Naya" (new) Pakistan.
Many of his own words and actions, however, have helped to ensure that Naya Pakistan will have more of a touch of Purana (old) Pakistan. In addition, many of the challenges facing his country are intractable. The expectations of its constituents are so high, and its political capacity so limited and its moral authority so exhausted, that failure seems more likely than success at this stage.
Defeats and setbacks, as suggested by Modi's maneuvers in India, could despair Khan consolidate political support by fueling fear and hatred of critics and dissidents. Khan started well, with noble intentions and a lot of goodwill. But it is not premature to worry that the fate of India and Pakistan, or a fifth of the human population, will be in the hands of two macho men, who promise themselves and their followers the moon, and that failure makes reckless.
This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
To contact the editor responsible for this story:
Timothy Lavin ] at [email protected]
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