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Just a few weeks ago President Trump had lost the presidential election – admit it or not – but he still seemed to have achieved a remarkable feat: his style of taking without prisoners, distorting reality as leader of the Republican Party, had was at least somewhat confirmed by the November 3 results.
With him at the top of the rankings, the Republican turnout had increased, allowing GOP candidates to avoid the major losses many had predicted. The Trump campaign’s strategy of increasing turnout among white working-class voters, including those who had not voted in previous elections, seemed to have paid off – at least enough to pave the way for the Republican Party.
The events of this week have changed everything. The Senate has now turned Democratic, after Republican senators from Georgia lost the second round of the election marred by Trump’s feuds with the state’s Republican leaders.
And then on Wednesday, in what will become a dark day in the country’s history, Trump ordered a flock of his supporters to march on Capitol Hill and “show his strength.” Hundreds of people stormed the building and ransacked the Senate Chamber, in an unsuccessful attempt to prevent Congress from ratifying Joe Biden’s legitimate election victory.
The chaos left five people dead, including a Capitol Hill police officer whose death was announced late last night, as the nation appeared in dismay. Suddenly, Trump’s grip on the party seemed to be loosening. So where does that leave Republican leaders?
In short, uncomfortable. Shaken by Wednesday’s violence – and well aware of how the rampage could damage the party’s reputation among more moderate voters – a number of Republicans in Congress have backed off their support for Trump’s challenge to the election results .
But nearly 150 GOP lawmakers, including more than 100 in the House, ended up registering their objection to the Electoral College’s results, setting an extraordinary precedent.
The reality is that Trump remains the most popular and influential public figure among Republican voters.
Polls since November have consistently shown that most Republicans say they believe the president’s lies about widespread voter fraud – reflecting not only his personal influence, but also the willingness of his supporters to choose pro-Trump narratives over believing in civic institutions. (Lily Jeremy W. PetersThe short essay below, on how conservative pundits are already reframe Wednesday’s events to absolve Trump of blame.)
Complicating matters further is that Biden aggressively courted moderate Americans, including the types of commuter and center-right voters the Republican Party relied heavily on just a decade ago.
Many Republican officials now recognize that without the support of anti-institutional, white, and working-class voters – who remain largely loyal to Trump – they would find themselves without a base.
Yet GOP leaders are feeling the heat. After Wednesday’s melee, some prominent members of the Trump administration resigned, including Betsy DeVos, the education secretary, and Elaine Chao, the transportation secretary and wife of Senator Mitch McConnell, the Republican leader.
The resignations were mostly symbolic, as the administration will only be there for an additional 12 days, and they mostly felt like an attempt by those officials to wipe their hands and walk away after constantly held alongside the President for the past four years.
Some observers have called on members of Trump’s cabinet to invoke the 25th Amendment to strip him of his powers, and at least one House Republican yesterday said he would support such a move.
John Kelly, Trump’s former chief of staff, told CNN yesterday that if he was still in the cabinet, he would support the use of the 25th Amendment to oust Trump.
Vice President Mike Pence, however, would oppose such action, a person close to him said. Maggie Haberman. According to the text of the amendment, Pence and a majority in the cabinet are expected to agree to remove Trump from power by January 20.
The Trump teleprompter is back. Taking into account the outrage of top GOP leaders, the President released a short video address last night in which he gloomily read prepared remarks, belatedly committing to a peaceful transfer of power.
Just over 24 hours after posting a video Expressing his “love” for his supporters on Capitol Hill and calling them “very special people,” Trump said he was “outraged by the violence, lawlessness and chaos.”
Contrary to reports that he resisted sending additional forces to retake the Capitol, Trump claimed he had “immediately deployed the National Guard and federal law enforcement to secure the building.”
Now this cycle of frenzy and bankruptcy has become familiar: First, Trump is breaking a standard of American governance. Then he remains silent as outrage ensues, seemingly basking in the confusion he has unleashed. Finally, after about 24 hours, he delivers a well-prepared and composed statement of scruples.
The next step in the process Usually involves Trump going back to social media and picking up where he left off, throwing bombs at his opponents and complaining about “unfair” treatment. But he might not have quite the same opportunity to do it this time around.
Facebook said yesterday it would prevent Trump from using its platforms at least until he leaves office. Twitter had locked Trump for nearly 24 hours, after posting his video Wednesday praising his supporters, although his access was later restored.
Just a dozen days before Biden’s inauguration, it looks like Trump is finally clearing official transition activities.
Yesterday he sent a letter to his ambassadors and other political figures asking them to step down – a move a typical incumbent would have made weeks ago.
The U.S. Capitol Police Chief, Steven Sund, said yesterday he would step down next week. A wide range of critics, including President Nancy Pelosi, had raised questions about why her officers were not better prepared for the attack on Capitol Hill.
Many also pointed out that the officers appeared to stand aside as rioters looted the building, and they wondered why so many intruders had not been arrested.
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