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Jon Weman of Jair Bolsonaro – expected winner of the Brazilian presidential election
This is a cultural article which is part of Aftonbladet's opinion journalism.
Photo: AP
The right-wing presidential candidate SEGERSÄKER, Jair Bolsonaro, is backed by his supporters during the presidential campaign. Shortly after taking the picture, he was hit – an attack that further strengthened his position.
Polls show a comfortable victory with up to 60% of the votes of the former captain of the army Jair Bolsonaro
in the second round of the Brazilian presidential election today.
The outside world has trouble believing their eyes and ears. Among the highlights of Bolsonaro's political career is the fact of telling a parliamentary woman that she "does not deserve to be raped", that the Socialist PSOL is "a party of gays and lesbians." of women "and that he is fined for hatred against the popular group.
He considers the military dictatorship as a period of "peace and security" and means that the police who kill "20, 30 criminals" must be considered a hero; He also consistently suggested that the police officers who died in the service had acted in self-defense.
The captain takes Donald Trumps rhetorical strategy – to face real or foreseeable political correctness and not to adapt without demonstrably violating it – on grounds such as it might have been parodic. In a recent poll, he used a tripod as an automatic weapon and pretended to abandon the Labor Party (PT) supporters.
This week, he addressed a question with a comment that the journalist ("male") "had the habit of painting nails as a child". In addition, unlike the Trump opportunity, it sounds pretty much the same way for 30 years; One can assume that he is sincerely devoted to the fascist ideology that he preaches.
How did it happen? Possible? Several factors have been blurred: corruption scandals and the economic crisis have weakened the NPT and the traditional right in the country. Bolsonaro has successfully resisted abortion and hostility to human rights, gaining support from evangelical churches, a growing political force in the country. Even a knife attack in September was to his advantage; This generated sympathy and gave him an apology for escaping scheduled debates, where he otherwise managed to do worse than when he spoke without trouble.
But what ultimately made the supreme extremist candidate happy was that the traditional blue-blooded Brazilian elite stood behind him. Bolsonaro is the fascist of the upper classes.
The currency has strengthened and the stock market has increased after its success in the first round of elections. Of those who earn at least five times the minimum wage, 51 percent voted for Bolsonaro in the first round; among those earning a maximum of two minimum wages, the same figure was only 21%.
The "Outsiders Candidate" campaign in social media may look like grassroots activism, but in reality it was a large professional organization that broadcast fake news about Whatsapp, for example, according to which PT candidate Fernando Haddad would legalize pedophilia.
The funding, worth tens of millions of crowns, came from the Brazilian business world, including one of the country's largest stores, Havan.
But the country's conservative the establishment made a decisive intervention which had already paved the way for Bolsonaro: by imprisoning the only politician who was before him in the polls, "Lula" da Silva, in a proceeding where the judge himself admitted that he was not condemning the evidence but of his own "conviction" of the defendant's debt.
The court banned Lula from recording movie clips or even giving prison interviews. At the same time, the president of the president Michel Temer managed to capture himself despite being banned from businessmen.
The process against Lula (and before that, the Riksrätt against the successor Dilma Rousseff) is at least as obviously political as the judgments directed against opposition politicians in Venezuela, but the outside world still accepts Brazil as a full-fledged democracy.
Bolsonaro goes without saying as well as many voices of the working class and slum dwellers; especially his promise of a total war against the drug syndicate is popular. This is precisely because he was able to garner support from a wide audience while he was competing with mainstream right-wing politicians. But he does not represent them. He says to himself "not knowing anything about the economy" and left the responsibility for his economic program to the Orthodox Paulo Guedes.
He promised tax cuts, significant reductions, the sale of state-owned companies in the amount of 2,000 billion crowns, including the electricity company and the oil group, as well as the abolition of the public pension system.
Nationalists from all over the world (among others Steve Bannon who recently met one of the sons of the family) salutes the successes of Bolsonaro, but Guedes promises to open the country to world capital even more than previous governments have done.
In Brazil have, polls to judge, the bourgeoisie has made its choice.
The voices that various neoliberal and traditional Conservative candidates have gathered in the first round of elections, in the other, seem to be largely to Bolsonaro.
Rather than being a socialist, or even rather moderate social democracy, represented by the NPT, one finds one of the most violent and authoritarian politicians in the country for decades.
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