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The Swedish Democrats were founded in 1988 and have their roots in the racial and peripheral movement, Bevara Sweden, Swedish. In the 1988 parliamentary elections, Swedish Democrats received around 1,000 votes. The latest polls indicate that just over one million Swedes will vote in the Swedish Democrats during the elections.
This means that the party has won more than 90 new voters a day, every day, for 30 years. The Swedish Democrats won voters from all parties, but mainly from the two big tent parties that have long dominated Swedish politics, the Social Democrats and the moderates.
Swedish Democrats are unusual even from a European perspective. No other nationalist party can show such a success of uninterrupted success. In the early years, the Swedish Democrats had time to come. Nationalism was inadequate.
After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the continued development towards more international cooperation and openness was evident. The EU has received more member states, including Sweden, free trade took off and the liberal world order seemed to be here to stay. The bloody war in the Balkans in the early 1990s recalled the consequences of nationalist years and attempts to divide people for ethnic reasons.
In recent years, the tide has turned. Nationalist parties gain more support in Europe. In countries like Poland, Hungary, Austria and Italy, they came out of the shame of politics to enter the government palace.
Swedish Democrats consider overseas immigration to Sweden as an existential threat to the nation. The party is opting for a greatly reduced immigration, increased return and a "cohesion policy" that will strengthen the Swedish national identity. The cultural policy must be redone and the government money will go mainly to the "traditional Swedish culture".
The party places the costs of immigration against the shortcomings of welfare and positions itself as the defender of the social democratic home. Party leader Jimmie Åkesson talks about strengthening the "sense of belonging". In addition to "Islamization" and immigration abroad, "globalists" and left-wing media are seen as the threat of key party representatives. Rhetoric is nostalgic and classically populist.
The Swedish Democrats present themselves as the only representatives of the popular will against an elite who has betrayed the Swedish people. Over the years, Partitops has often highlighted Hungary as a pioneer country. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, the conservative Fidesz party took full control of Hungarian politics and fundamentally changed society.
Voters of the Swedish Democrats often feel that certain perceptions or opinions are taboo and can not be disclosed in public.
In 1945, the Swedish Democrats maintained their nationalist vision for Sweden and slowly gained greater support for their ideas. The party's vision is a radical breakthrough with the multicultural project according to which there has been a consensus around Sweden in recent decades.
Swedish Democrats are often described as populists, and the term is sometimes used to be a little sloppy as a description of party politics. But populism is not an ideology, but rather a proven political strategy to win the support of the electorate. And of course, the Swedish Democrats are not the only ones using the formula, which is as old as politics itself. By contrast, SD is currently the most popular party with a populist strategy on the Swedish electoral arena.
What lies behind the unprecedented success of Swedish Democrats?
The party captured and mobilized the critical opinion on immigration that has long existed in Sweden. For many years, the Swedish Democrats were the only party that advocated a greatly reduced immigration. And when refugee immigration to Sweden increased in 2014 and 2015 and took over the political debate, the other parties were slow to react, while their credibility on the issue was weak.
Interestingly, the immigration policy confidence of social democrats and moderates continued to weaken even after both parties fundamentally changed their policies. A reminder that it takes a lot of time, many years, to build strong trust among major electoral groups.
Discrimination with immigration policy is an important factor behind the growing democratic support of the Swedish Democrats, at present, well known. But there are more explanations behind the party's success and these deserve to be more noticeable.
In order to better understand the emergence of Swedish Democrats as an alternative to major electoral groups, Ipsos raised new questions about voters' views on politics and social debate in Sweden. The analysis shows that many Swedish voters know a huge distance to political power. A widely held view is that political leaders do not understand or care about a person's situation and concerns. That important social problems do not attract attention and that some opinions can not be expressed in public. And the analysis shows that these opinions are much more common among Swedish Democratic voters.
91% of SD voters totally or partially agree with the statement that "those who govern and govern in society decide without knowing or caring what ordinary people think." The proportion that is in agreement with the electors of the alliance is 70% and among the red-green voters of 65%.
95% of Swedish Democrat voters agree with the statement that "politicians have lost contact with those whom they direct and control". Among the electors of the alliance and red-green, the share is 70%.
Almost all, 97%, of SD voters agree with the statement that "there are many important issues in Sweden whose parties and politicians do not do not care. The proportions of allied and red-green voters are respectively 72 and 68%.
Voters of Swedish Democrats are more likely to think that some perceptions or opinions are taboo and can not be expressed in public. 92% agree with the statement "The Swedish conversation climate does not allow to present deviant ideas and unpleasant truths". Among the electors of the alliance and red-green, the shares are 69 and 56%.
SD voters want new politicians who can change the status quo and change the pot. 94% agree with the statement that "Sweden badly needs politicians capable of shaking up the establishment and challenging the existing structures of the parties and the power". Among the electors of the alliance, the proportion is 64% and among the reds 59%.
Even colleagues from Sifo recently presented results that bring new insights into what is behind the growing support of Swedish Democrats. Sifo has studied to what extent Swedes feel well represented or ignored by the country's policymakers, if we consider that you get the currency for the taxes you pay and if politicians and the media respect your life choices and your life. The choice of questions and perspectives was inspired by the polls of American scientist Katherin Cramer in the American Midwest. Some results:
23 percent of Swedish Democratic voters think politicians respect the way they choose to live. The corresponding figure among the electors of the alliance and the red-green voters is respectively 60 and 63%.
26% of SD voters think that the media correctly describes their life situation. Among the alliance breeders and red-green voters, the proportion is 53 and 56%.
82% of SD voters consider that they have a small change for the taxes they pay. The corresponding share among the electors of the alliance is 45%, among the red-green voters of 18%.
Swedish Democrats in place in a number of policy areas would mean a radical change of course against a rather different Swedish society.
The voters of the Swedish Democrats are so clearly perceived, both as respected and considered by the elite of society. When it comes to getting the profit and the value of the tax you pay is striking. Immigration and its costs become a symbol of directing the resources of society towards others than oneself. The results, those of Ipsos and Sifo, can be interpreted as an underclass for media and parties established in Sweden. The results show the growing opinion that many have missed, but as the Swedish Democrats have listened and have come to represent.
In Sweden, as in other countries that have seen tremendous political changes in recent years, the growing prosperity gap between regions is an important factor of explanation. Previously, key national ratios such as GDP growth and unemployment levels provided a good basis for understanding political development in the country. But when regional disparities widen, the national average is no longer available. And divisions have political consequences.
The Swedish economist Kjell A. Nordström, made the headlines in announcing a strong trend in urbanization and financial exhaustion of parts of the Swedish countryside. He described the garbage areas in Sweden of a deeper economic and social weakening. Nordström, of course, barked a lot for his brutal statement. But it contains grains of truth. From old Swedish companies such as Hofors, Norberg and Kopparberg, healthy and educated people are becoming attractive in the job market. They go to work.
At the same time, a small flow of flood goes elsewhere. Empty apartments and low house prices attract people with few jobs, with a weak economy and a fragile health. And they are hired as homes for newly arrived refugees.
Secondary cities like Kopparberg and Norberg find themselves in a negative spiral. The future voltage decreases as the local service closes. Sweden is divided economically and socially, but also politically.
Figures from the University of Gothenburg show that Swedes living in rural areas often feel that Sweden is moving in the wrong direction, have less trust in the government, the parliament and political parties. works in Sweden.
Swedish Democrats have been routinely dismissed as populists and the debate has often focused on how other parties should "manage" the party. If one or the other version could benefit the Swedish Democrats in opinion. Swedish Democrats have been described as a kind of phenomenon, as an anomaly or a transitional crisis in Swedish politics. And the party's potential has always been underestimated.
But consistent measures show that Swedish Democrats are getting more support for their policies. More and more people are accepting and appreciating the democratic political solutions of Sweden and the party's nationalist vision for Sweden. This idea is still difficult to accept and to penetrate.
The question is to what extent the Swedish Democrats will have the opportunity to turn their political program into a real power. In a number of policy areas, the Swedish Democrats in government would imply a radical change of course towards a quite different Swedish society.
David Ahlin is the IPSOS opinion manager. He will write guest wreaths in DN during the election year
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