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Left: traditional dance of the Welayita people; right: Sidam girls celebrating Chembelala, the New Year festival organized by the Sidama people
Belachew Mekuria (PhD), for Addis Standard
Addis Ababa, November 28, 1818 – In post-Cold War East Africa, two contradictory but simultaneous events – the integration and disintegration of states – are being prepared. In Ethiopia and Sudan, neighboring countries, we have grown to four (Ethiopia, Eritrea, South Sudan and the Republic of Sudan), while five other countries in East Africa – Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda – are moving fast to federate and integrate. become the Federation of East Africa. One being motivated by nationalist movements against oppressive authoritarianism, the other being motivated to reap the economic dividend of the unit – with the motto "A people, a destiny" – where the free movement of goods, capital and labor is allowed. As Gidon noted, "this deep wave of nationalist sentiments and powerful financial and market interests are moving in opposite directions" in this same part of East Africa. (Gottlieb, Gidon, (1994), "Nations without a State", Foreign AffairsFlight. 73, p112)
The Ethiopian federal agreement on ethnic bases accompanied by guarantees of self-determination, including the right of secession, is only the sign of further disarray instead of a rapprochement. . After the introduction of this ethnic federalism, it is more and more difficult to maintain a balance in the intercommunity relations of Ethiopia. This seems to explain why some writers have lamented learning to live with conflict as a viable solution. However, some issues require immediate attention and, if addressed, would guarantee a better future, if not without conflict, that root the art of tolerance, compromise and coexistence. Although it is unlikely to overthrow regional groupings of ethnic origin, it is feasible and indispensable to bridge the gap that has emerged as a cleavage between different ethnic communities. It does not matter how people ended up being linked, whether it was an assimilationist and expansionist state policy or the geopolitical closeness that destined them, the good and the worst moments of military success against external invasions or famines. Cyclical biblical proportion identity is in place. This identity is by no means a vice, but a tremendous virtue that must be cultivated without being at the same time unfair to culture, language, religion, beliefs and many other value systems.
In what may be called the "consolidation" phase of our federalism project, we are seeing stronger claims for statehood, the oldest being the quest for a regional state in Sidama. , which seems to have taken an important step. The claims of Keffa, Wolayita and Gurage for the creation of a state are new and have emerged in recent weeks. To date, all these applications for membership of a State come from the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR). In a manner reminiscent of Nigeria's past, Ethiopia also seems to be on the path to extending the constituent units of its federation. In 1963, the 12 Nigerian states expanded to 36 in just three decades. If we are to look at it from a purely administrative point of view, this should not sound too alarming, but rather an opportunity to bring the government closer to the ruled or, at best, to respond to the ethnonational demands of those claiming recognition of their distinct identities. Quoting David Hume, Matt Ridley describes the virtues of "fragmented government" as follows: "Political fragmentation is often the friend, not the enemy, of economic progress, because of the stopping it gives" to the times to power and authority ".
The history of state trades in the SNNPRS shows that such moments were envisioned or even desired when the 1994 Constitution was being drafted. From the early stages of the drafting process and after the name has been SNNPRS, about 45 different ethnic groups were listed in the article 47 (1) (7) footnote, which triggered an in-depth discussion on inclusion or not of such annexes. and secondly because of various requests from groups aggrieved by their exclusion from the list. Stronger claims were made by the Siltie people, although many others also expressed their grievances for not being on the big list. Below is a quote from a member of the Assembly, Said Redwan Mehdi, whom I had paraphrased in Amharic so that the meaning is not lost in the translation:
ጊዜ የስልጤም 45 በተዘረዘሩት ቸው ጠይቀዋል.
Which translates roughly to:Since the time of our grandparents and our parents, the people of Siltie have endured so much oppression and problems and it is wrong to regard it as a minority, given the population of over 3 million inhabitants at his disposal. He further explained that the inhabitants of Siltie resided both in the areas of Hadiya and Guragie and deserved the full right to self-administer, including the right to secede, devoted to the article 39. He also conveyed the message of his constituency calling for the inclusion of Siltie 46th in the list of 45 called members of the SNNPR.(Minutes of the Constitutional Assembly 3rd Series p.93)
Similar requests were, for example, made by Qebena, Kistani and Seb'at Bet, who collectively wanted to be included in the 45 groups already mentioned in the footnote under Article 47 (1) (7). After lengthy deliberations, Mulugeta Gebrehiwot, secretary of the Committee on the Rights of Nations and Nationalities, stated in the minutes that it had been decided to delete the annexes in their entirety in order to avoid any current controversy and future on inclusion / exclusion. and leave the decision to the future Constitution of the region and the institutions it institutes to deal with similar problems as they arise.
The merging of the groups into one region was done with the belief that there were commonalities that allowed the experimentation of unity by emphasizing the prevailing distinctions. This form of unification, as stated by the Chairman of the Committee on the Rights of Nations and Nationalities, the late Dr. Abdulmejid Hussein, should not only be encouraged, but expected in the future for Ethiopia's future. provided it is done voluntarily. When Sidama and Gurage Zones have responded to their demands for statehood, we should assume that the experiment was unsuccessful and should not be a huge surprise or be seen as opening the Pandora's box to other claims. State founded or unfounded. With sobriety and caution, the government and the public should grasp the present moment and, better yet, prepare for other claims that may be presented in the same way.
More could be better
Kenya, which accounts for half the size of Ethiopia, has 46 provinces / counties, excluding Nairobi, with 46 governors / commissioners and a central president. Before the recently adopted Constitution, the country had only eight provinces. It was a decision made during a long period of "constitutional moment" that was crowned by the highly disputed 2007 elections that provoked widespread unrest in this East African country. This was done in order, as mentioned before, to bring the government closer to the governed. What differentiates Kenya's approach from that of Ethiopia, however, is the basis on which they established the 46+ districts of Nairobi. According to Article 188, the bases on which counties have been constituted since the beginning are the following: "Population density and demographic trends; physical and human infrastructure; historical and cultural links; the administration costs; the views of the affected communities; the objects of government decentralization; and geographical features. "This contrasts with Article 46 of Ethiopia's Constitution, which states that" States will be delimited on the basis of settlement patterns, language, identity and consent of the people. This definition rather delineated borders on the basis of group identity, the broader framework that combines administrative convenience with a certain level of cultural, economic and social links.
The establishment of borders on ethnic bases remains the most contested political subject in the project of Ethiopian federalism. John Cohen described this situation as quoted by Huntington in 1994, where he wrote: "The delineation of regional boundaries along ethnic lines complements what is inevitable with what is undesirable … the combination of ethnic and territorial divisions of ethnic parties can have a disastrous effect on national unity and political stability "(Cohen," Transition to Democracy and Governance, "1994, p.14) It is important to note that the federal structure as a The pact whereby the constituent units find a balance between their needs for rapprochement and the need to maintain their diversity would be compromised where the regions are structured according to ethnolinguistic identities.
Group identities are important to the extent that they allow self-expression, are a source of pride, facilitate the exchange of ideas, trade and facilitate wider economic relations. At the same time, where identities and interests are diverse, there is always a willingness to protect them with passion and there is no other alternative, especially in this era of identity politics, than to recognize these diversities. This may, however, make governance a bit expensive, but not too expensive compared to the alternative of trying to maintain it by force and withstand the costs of uncontrollable instability as the repressed reacts to the force.
That said, Ethiopian and ethno-nationalist desires can coexist without excluding each other only where there is tolerance for both points of view. Only a Sidama whose nationalist demands have been respected can feel the Ethiopian identity as his own. No other path than this one can keep Ethiopia as a "healthy, united and democratic" nation (and if we work harder and more prosperously). Governing from the center, however, must stop politicizing and / or ethnicizing the bureaucracy, a role that should be assumed only by those with merit insignia and not necessarily by ethnic identity. In other words, a fair formula should be designed for the sharing of resources (especially tax revenues) between Member States and not for the distribution of ministerial posts.
This requires a de-colonizing ethnicity, for example by prohibiting the creation of political parties on ethnic grounds. It is an idea that has long been advocated by many and a path taken by other countries wishing to move away from the ethnicity of politics. In this case, the EPRDF should take a historic step and set the example by merging its four "giants". Although this seems like a simplistic prescription and a kind of naivety, it remains a powerful option to get out of ethnic politics quickly and allow the central government to strengthen the features that make the federation cohesive. AS
Editor's Note: Belachew Mekuria (PhD), former Commissioner of the Ethiopian Investment Commission. You can contact him at [email protected]
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