Restarting our democracy – Thuli Madonsela – DOCUMENTS

HELEN SUZMAN MEMORIAL CONFERENCE

HELEN SUZMAN FOUNDATION | NOV 2018

RENDERED BY PROFESSOR THULI MADONSELA

We celebrate the epic footprint of Henry Suzman, an intrepid and relentless democracy activist, at a time when Democrats in this country – and the world – are fighting for a winning formula for reviving democracy. The growing difficulties in maintaining and maintaining democracy on the right path may differ from their quest, which was essentially to be midwives of what we now call "inclusive constitutional democracy."

In South Africa, not so long ago, we were united to consider this phase of our democracy as a "new dawn". The idea of ​​a new dawn presupposes that something old must give way to something new. There is a general consensus that the bedrock of hope that we were at the dawn of democracy and the end of the administration of President Mandela must be restarted.

Democracy is a system. When a system has become dysfunctional, the answer often lies in the reboot.

I believe that in order to overcome the challenges that lie ahead, democracy requires a deliberate process of reinvention and restart.

Why does our democracy need a restart or a new dawn? In South Africa, some say that all we need is to deliberately cleanse and rebuild democracy and its institutions to recover from the lost decade of unguided policy choices, exacerbated by increased corruption, capture, clienteles and the violation of the rule of law. The damage is said to include a devastated economy and ruined public institutions.

Others say that we need a new agreement because the one that is reflected in the Constitution has failed to grasp the complexities of the legacy of colonialism and the rule of law. apartheid. One of the frequently mentioned challenges in this regard is the land issue.

The consolidation of structural and systemic racial inequalities and associated poverty characterized by acute unemployment, especially among historically oppressed groups, is another. Others think that we need to rethink the issue of effective accountability, especially on the part of the president and the rest of the executive.

This particular concern was raised during the tenure of President Jacob Zuma, who was finally forced to step down without completing his second team. Incidentally, it is his term which is called the lost decade. Added to this is a call for reform of the electoral system, according to a report prepared under the leadership of van Zyl Slabbert, a former colleague of Helen Suzman.

The truth about the dangers of democracy is much more complex.

Democracy is in trouble all over the world. Such was the consensus of the Athens Democracy Forum organized by the New York Times in Athens earlier this year. World leaders, at the head of governments and multilateral organizations, say that "democracy is in danger". Such sentiments permeate the discourse of the World Economic Forum and the United Nations, among others.

To the extent that there have been and still are different ways of articulating democracy since its beginnings in Athens and in part of Africa, among others, some of its foundations are considered as universal. Democracy derives from the combination of two Greek words composed of demos and kratos, meaning government or power of people. The will of the people, expressed directly or indirectly through representatives, should therefore be at the heart of democracy. In the 5th century in Athens, for example, democracy was more inclusive. Each village was represented and each person was fortunate to be a representative since the names of the 500-member council were chosen from the names of all citizens. The fact that women and slaves are excluded

Today, even the old democracies seem to evolve in the direction of democracy as we know it. One of the trends is the emergence of the strong men phenomenon. Anecdotal evidence from social pages, among others, suggests that many of the emerging "strong men" around the world are accepted by their followers as benevolent dictators. Curiously, even in established democracies, many people seem to agree to leave decisions about their collective affairs and resources in the hands of so-called benevolent dictators.

My point of view, however, is that benevolent dictatorship is a bit of an oxymoron. For example, some saw Gaddafi as a benevolent dictator. The suppression of freedom, including the freedom of the media and opposition parties, can not be benevolent. This is not limited to leaders who are universally labeled as dictators. For example, the United States, which is not only a relatively old democracy, but also a democracy, is daily in the news after the alleged assault on accountability institutions and the media, by its President.

To tell the truth, even the most benevolent dictatorships have succumbed to the iron law of the oligarchy. Some may not be immediately apparent during the dictator's life. A number of countries in Asia and Eastern Europe are making interesting case studies in this regard.

In any case, a benevolent or malicious dictatorship is anathema to democracy. While democracy – whether direct, representative or both, as is the case in South Africa – essentially concerns the will of the people, the dictatorship is about the will of one person . Among those who deplore the crisis of democracy, let us quote the author of The Life and Death of Democracy. It identifies such phenomena as strong men in countries such as Russia, America, Hungary, Uganda and Tanzania. The rise of nationalism and extremism are also seen as signs of loss of confidence in democracy.

Why is democracy in crisis both in established democracies and in transitional democracies like South Africa, which, not so long ago, was hailed as a miracle and an exemplary nation? who was born from a painful past, like a phoenix, to be considered a world leader on many fronts especially social justice, human rights, leadership of a transitional democracy and a deliberate search for peace.

Economist Dambisa Moya, agrees with world leaders that democracy is in jeopardy. She adds that if no action is taken to save democracy, it will collapse and bring peace to the world. In his book The Edge of Chaos: Why Democracy Fails? Moyo believes that democracy fails because of poverty and increasing inequality. She says:

"Around the world, people who are angry at stagnant wages and rising inequality have rebelled against established governments and turned to political extremes – from the revolutions of the Arab Spring to victory …"

She argues for a reform of democracy and believes that economic growth is necessary for global stability and that liberal democracies do not produce it. Moyo advises that in order to save itself, democracy must reign in an unbridled capitalism.

My experience as Public Protector, Chair of Social Justice at Stellenbosch University and Founder of the Thuma Foundation confirms that most people who reject democracy do so because they feel it does not meet to their needs of belonging to a community. This is the case, whether the group is historically oppressed or historically privileged.

At the Thuma Foundation's first democratic dialogue (#Demologist), we had Palesa Mosa, who was arrested on June 16, 1976. Palesa Mosa was brutalized and harassed at the time and in the following years. Eventually, his education and general human development were stopped. Today, she is one of the 64.2% blacks of African descent who are poor. It is despite being an informal trader.

At the June 16 intergenerational demologist, Palesa said that she and her peers fought for freedom but only ended up getting democracy and poverty. She explained that under apartheid, this pass prevented them from living fully and fully flourishing. Today, poverty does what the past has done. "Poverty is the new laissez-passer," she said. Her concerns were reiterated during a GIBS dialogue where, among other things, NoMatter, a Master's graduate, stated that our parents fought for freedom but got democracy. We do not want democracy.

We get similar feedback when participating in the preparation of the Mosa Plan on Social Justice. The Mosa Plan for Social Justice is an initiative inspired by US President Eisenhower's plan to rebuild Europe after the Second World War. The thought of the Mosa plan was that European governments alone could not cope with the devastation caused by poverty and infrastructure. The idea was also that the state of mind that inspired the war had to be changed.

With the exception of the early years' RDP, which was in any case a government-only plan, no comprehensive recovery plan has been put in place in South Africa. The impact has been an exponential growth of poverty and inequality. Our research shows that poverty works like a debt. If reduced in tiny amounts, it grows. The Mosa Plan seeks to mobilize academic research and civil society resources as a catalyst to break down poverty and inequality in order to help South Arica achieve the goal of zero poverty and poverty. equality of opportunity by 2030.

What's an equalized opportunity that many ask for? The same question is asked about social justice. Our working definition, which is based on that of the UN, is that social justice is based on a fair and equitable distribution of opportunities, privileges and burdens. It is also about treating all people equitably without distinction of identity. Social justice as we understand it includes restorative justice to correct historical imbalances.

This is the problem. Some believe that the introduction of our forward-thinking constitution, which promises, among other things, to unlock the potential and improve the quality of life for all citizens, has achieved equality. Is it true?

Let me tell you how a colleague I met during my year at Harvard teaches social justice to 8 year olds. She wears a blue group and the other pink. She tells them that from the first whistle, only the blues can run. When the second whistle sounds, the blues must stop. She tells them that you are now equal and that when the whistle sounds, you must all run. She ignores the injustices protests of the roses until they have passed. The pattern that follows is that the fastest roses catch up with the slowest blues. She then asks them for ideas to correct the injustice.

Capitalism assumes that everyone has the same starting line and the same chance to succeed. Is this a correct assumption in a country where the majority was paved with stones while others enjoyed unearned benefits?

Those left behind are not limited to historically disadvantaged people. Unemployment affects all groups, although disproportionately blacks and women due to exponentiality.

What is there for you if you are privileged? The answer lies in James Patrick Kinney's poem The Cold Within. James Patrick Kinney understood the principle of Ubuntu.

Hunger is a threat to democracy, the rule of law, peace and stability. Although it is a violation of human rights, it is also a threat to human rights. Structural inequalities also undermine economic efficiency, as the country uses fewer resources than it could. The reality is that the future will get worse. What is even more worrying is children growing up with underdeveloped brains because of a lack of nutrition.

The Crusader Democracy we are commemorating today also understood. She understood that as long as there is injustice somewhere, there can be no lasting peace anywhere.

She chose neither to look elsewhere nor to be ashamed of the power and privilege she had to be born white in a country that favored whiteness. She used this power and privilege to campaign for human rights and a democracy that works for all.

What are we doing wrong? What did they do well?

Ethical leadership: the law was always true and false, wrong, whatever the actors. They tried not to be part of the problem.

Goal-oriented leadership: Human rights remained at the center.

Direction conscious of the impact: they never used the destructive tools of the enemy.

Committed to serve all: as part of the service, they all used the power and privileges to create the world in which they wanted to live.

Every generation has the opportunity and the responsibility to make things better. We have both. The signs show that we are about to restart democracy. This is the debt we owe to Helen Suzman, Nelson Mandela, Albertina Sisulu and others who gave everything to the crusade for democracy and human rights.

I am for simple justice, equal opportunities and human rights.

What are we defending? Shall we walk the conversation?

Thank you.

God bless you all.

Posted by HSF on November 28, 2018