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Link to this page: https://www.socialistparty.org.uk/issue/1047/29259
From the socialist newspaper of 19 June 2019
- A plan of socialist struggle necessary to avoid defeat
Nearly two months after the overthrow of former dictator Omar al-Bashir, who ruled Sudan for 30 years, the struggle between revolution and counter-revolution has entered a critical phase, says Tony Saunois, secretary of the CWI .
Workers fraternize with soldiers as Sudanese extremists prepare a crackdown in April, photo M Saleh / CC (Click to enlarge)
The mass demonstrations against the former dictator began in December 2018. The Transitional Military Council (TMC) dismissed him in an attempt to contain the developing revolutionary movement. While Al-Bashir left, the regime he headed was left largely untouched. This led the mass movement to return to the streets, opposed to the TMC maintaining power.
In an attempt to reaffirm its rule, the TMC, in particular its most repressive component, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), has launched a fierce crackdown. Now, Internet access has been cut.
Although the Internet and social media can play an important role in the organization of demonstrations and social struggles, they do not replace the need for organization, political parties, unions, committees action and other forms of organizing the working class.
The closure of the Internet by the TMC is an answer to those who argued that the organization and political parties are no longer needed in this "digital age" to organize a struggle to transform society.
Repression
The most bloody attack was the brutal crackdown on June 10 of a mass protest camp in the center of the capital, Khartoum. At least 120 people were reportedly killed and others reportedly beaten, raped, tortured and assaulted.
The bloody massacre was perpetrated by RSF whose leader, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemeti, is the deputy head of the TMC. The RSF, a brutal paramilitary force, was created in 2013 under the former dictator al-Bashir. Its origins go back to the Janjaweed tribal militia, known for its massacres, rapes and torture in Darfur, western Sudan, more than a decade ago.
This is in response to the latest massacre that a general strike involving millions of people has taken place. It involved workers, middle-class strata and the poor.
Despite many features of what is known in India as a "hartal", which involves supporting a strike by some parts of the business and movement world in the countryside, it has revealed the potential of the working class.
The social weight of the general strike illustrates the potential of the working class, alongside the middle class and others exploited by capitalism, not only to challenge and defeat the TMC, but also for capitalism and landowners in Sudan.
unions
The strike reflected one of the achievements of the revolutionary movement at the beginning of the creation of a unified movement and the formation of trade unions or workers taking over some of the already established official trade unions that existed under dictatorship.
This includes layers of the radicalized middle strata of society, such as the Alliance of Democratic Jurists, the Central Committee of Doctors of Sudan and others, united within the Sudanese Professionals' Association ( ASP). They adopted some methods of struggle of the working class.
These layers have become linked to some public sector workers. In other layers of the working class, we have seen workers take measures to control power
the official unions that existed under the old regime. They seek to remove the official union leaders who had collaborated with the al-Bashir regime.
At the same time, local neighborhood committees have been formed. These seem to have become the main vehicle of the organization of opposition to the regime.
These committees could have the potential to develop further to become real bodies of struggle. They could eventually grow and evolve to become an alternative potential power to the regime and the existing state machine.
The Sudanese masses have a long tradition of workers' struggle. In the past, there was a powerful Communist Party, founded in 1946. It had lost much of its base after joining a coalition government in 1969.
A split took place during a failed coup d'état attempt in 1971, when a Communist Party wing supported it. However, the relatively strong traditions of the working class are reflected in the current movement.
Recent developments have terrified the Sudanese ruling class and the regime. This has caused concern among the capitalist class in Africa and the world. The capitalist class can see the potential danger that exists for it with the emergence of a powerful independent labor movement.
The recent deployment of representatives of the ruling class of the African Union and Ethiopia to Sudan reflects the fear that they have to lose control of the situation.
US imperialism was ready to let the regional powers, such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt, intervene to defend their own interests. However, reflecting the fears of US imperialism, the White House has belatedly sent a "envoy" to Sudan.
They hope to exercise a restraining influence on the TMC and possibly try to reach an agreement on the transition to a coalition. This would involve the current regime and opposition representatives who pose no threat to the ruling class. However, such a prospect will not lead to the establishment of a stable Sudanese capitalist government, regardless of the forces involved.
Opposition leaders, organized within the Freedom and Change Forces (FDFC), include not only the PSA, but also pro-capitalist opposition parties, such as the Umma National Party and the ruling party. party of the Sudanese Congress. The role of such forces, as in any revolutionary movement, is to curb the movement, to keep it within the limits of capitalism and to derail it.
If the revolution is to advance and thwart the threat of counter-revolution, no confidence can be placed in these pro-capitalist parties. The working class must urgently build its own mass workers' party, which unfortunately does not exist at this stage.
Pro-Capitalist Opposition
The real role of the pro-capitalist parties and groups within the FDFC manifested itself in April when they attempted to reach a negotiated settlement with al-Bashir, as part of their opposition to the Sudanese masses who were speaking at the time. early elections. This was repeated during the recent general strike and civil demonstrations, which terrorized them as much as the regime and international capitalism.
The strike was perceived by pro-capitalist parties and groups as a form of protest to be canceled as soon as possible. The stop was not followed by calls to extend the strike indefinitely with the aim of overthrowing the regime.
Workers and supporters of the strike were urged to stay at home rather than go to the streets to demonstrate their strength en masse to face the overthrow of the regime and overthrow it. After only 72 hours, the strike was canceled and negotiations resumed. Such measures can only serve to demobilize the masses over time and prepare the way for the betrayal and victory of the counter-revolution.
To advance the revolution and overthrow the regime, a plan of struggle must be prepared and executed urgently. Neighborhood committees need to be strengthened quickly and integrated into truly democratic bodies.
Delegates must be democratically elected from workplaces and neighborhoods and recalled. These must then be linked by district, citywide, regional and national.
There is an urgent need to take steps to organize armed defense committees and a militia under the democratic control of neighborhood committees.
As in all revolutions, the mass movement has already caused divisions between the ruling class and within the TMC.
According to reports, there are already splits between RSF and the regular Sudanese army. If the revolution and the working class do not take the necessary steps to move forward, the prospect of a collapse in a conflict and clashes between rival military and paramilitary forces is real.
The splits that began to open between RSF and the army are not a coincidence. They reflect the social pressure felt by the ranks of the army, coming from the working class and the poor.
A bold appeal must urgently be issued to base soldiers to separate them from the TMC and their commanders and support the workers and the poor in a revolutionary movement to transform Sudan.
Committees of soldiers must be formed, purge reactionary officers and elect substitutes.
A militia of defense of the working class and the poor could be armed if the soldiers of the base could be gained on the side of the revolution.
General strike
But for this to happen, soldiers must be convinced that workers' and revolutionary movements can go ahead and overthrow the old regime. The mass movement must therefore show strength, determination and confidence by calling for a general indefinite strike and the formation of democratically elected action committees.
These, if they are connected at the city level, at regional and national levels, can form the basis of a revolutionary government of the workers, the poor and all those exploited by capitalism.
Such a revolutionary government could then adopt a program that would include:
- Convocation of elections to a revolutionary constituent assembly
- The establishment of workers' courts to try all those who collaborate with the old regime and TMC
- A purge of supporters and collaborators of the old regime in the state
- Dissolve the RSF
- The right to organize political parties and free and democratic trade unions
- Press and democratic media based on public ownership of resources and outlets and print and broadcast printing, under democratic control and allocation of press and media equipment, based from a support
- Nationalization of all major corporations, banks and multinational corporations under democratic control and management of workers
- Massive investments in infrastructure and the economy
- No to foreign capitalist intervention
- For a democratic socialist Sudan, endowed with all democratic rights for all minorities, and an international appeal for the support and solidarity of the African and international working class
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In The Socialist of June 19, 2019:
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