Trump's dictations made by guts continue to crumble



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This trend has frustrated some Trump associates and some Republican senators, who have stated that the president's eagerness to play the trumpet before their backgrounds can be thoroughly checked has led to embarrassing withdrawals and questions of administrative competence.

This is also partly a consequence of Trump's unorthodox process of selecting the people he wants to fill the vacancies. His choices are often the ones he has seen on television or he knows personally, and not the type of career official whose background could lead to fewer ignominious episodes.

Whatever the cause, it results in a series of individuals subject to scrutiny from the public – rather than a discrete examination – that results in a moment of recognition: the candidacy is unsustainable. Their reputation is tainted forever, the mediators withdraw. And, in some cases, another assignment, requiring neither congressional approval nor any importance, is found as a consolation.

Trump has long been surrounded by help from a variety of backgrounds. His social media advisor, Dan Scavino, was his golf cadet. Hope Hicks, her former director of communications, was introduced to the president through her public relations work on fashion brand Ivanka Trump. Both are among Trump's closest advisers.

And two of his leading West Wing advisers have been removed from the ranks of cable TV channels: Larry Kudlow, former CNBC specialist, is his economic advisor and John Bolton, the former analyst of Fox, is the national security advisor.

These jobs at the White House do not require the approval of lawmakers. The confrontation of unconventional experiences with the scrutiny of confirmation by the Senate has turned out to be a much more difficult task.

Unsuccessful appointments reach all presidents, and even the most experienced officials may be disappointed by decades-old revelations that verification teams have not identified. But for Trump, the scheme seems exacerbated as he telegraphs his choices early in the process and selects candidates well outside the government's standard.

Unconventional choices

Herman Cain says he left the Fed because of the pay cut

The latest examples to date came this month, as reported by the men Trump chose to fill the vacant seats on the board of the US Federal Reserve, but both were faced with strong resistance from Democrats and some Republicans.

Cain, the former manager of the pizzeria, first went through the challenge. His own sexual harassment charges collapsed in 2012. These accusations were well publicized during this race, but did not stop Trump from declaring his intention to appoint Cain to the Fed. seat seven years later.

"I told my parents that he was the man, and he is currently doing due diligence, I imagine that he would be in excellent shape," Trump said. early April.

Two and a half weeks later, it was clear that Cain was not in top form. In addition to allegations of sexual harassment, senators had come to question his qualifications for a position that helps determine monetary policy and plays a major role in the country's economy. Finally, at least four Republican senators declared that they could not support it, thus ending the prospects for its confirmation.

Later, Cain stated that he had withdrawn his name from any consideration because taking the job would force him to give up his "business interests".

Once Cain eliminated, the attention turned to Moore, the conservative commentator who advises Trump on economic issues. Trump initially announced that he was proposing Moore in March, leaving enough time for journalists (led by CNN's KFile) to uncover a series of sexist writings and ask himself questions about his personal finances.

Republican senators took note, alarmed by the content of Moore's columns, but also by his proximity to the president (the Federal Reserve is supposed to operate independently of the White House). Senator Joni Ernst, R-Iowa, said it was "very unlikely that I would support this person". Senator Shelley Moore Capito, R-West Virginia, said "it's hard to look beyond" sexist writing.

Even Sen. Lindsay Graham – Trump's best ally in the Senate who played golf with the president this weekend – said he "continued to watch him, but that would be very problematic".

Even with the writing on the wall – and with the White House urging him to keep a low profile – Moore is engaged in a vigorous defense. But that very morning he was quoted in the Wall Street Journal claiming that he would not step down. The president ended the drama with a tweet.

The two selections of the US Federal Reserve are just the latest developments in the Trump administration triggered by the appointment process at the discretion of the president.

Beyond the group of prominent figures whose nominations have been or have been rejected due to inadequate controls and a hasty announcement from the President, the Trump administration has recorded a number Abnormally high number of applications withdrawn, the statistics having even been worth Wikipedia's own page.

Two consecutive military secretary candidates withdrew from the nomination process before the post was filled by a third candidate, ten months after the start of Trump's presidency. Trump's first choice for the Labor Secretary, Fast Food Director Andy Puzder, withdrew his appointment a month after the start of Trump's term. The US Immigration and Customs Service has still not been headed by a Senate-confirmed director after Trump's first two nominees withdrew or were forced to withdraw .

More than a dozen other candidates for positions requiring Senate confirmation – including the positions of federal magistrate, ambassador and deputy department – withdrew their applications when it became obvious that they could not be confirmed.

Jackson and Nauert

Inside the dramatic collapse of Ronny Jackson's offer to direct the VA

The most striking example was given in the spring of 2018 when Trump named Rear Admiral Ronny Jackson, Presidential Physician, to head the Department of Veterans Affairs.

Jackson had served as a White House doctor for three presidents and Trump had particularly enjoyed Jackson and the passionate assessment of Trump's health that he had delivered a few months earlier, stating that the President, then on the verge of obesity, had shown signs of heart disease in excellent health. "

But Jackson had no experience as a cadre to qualify him to lead the second largest department of the federal government – and had just come out of a scandal and a crisis of trust towards his leaders .

Previously, he had been the subject of an internal report making him partially responsible for creating a hostile work environment and many of his colleagues worried about his treatment of prescriptions and of his behavior at work. But before the White House office charged with checking potential candidates could even begin to discover the extent of allegations that would be made against Jackson, Trump announced the appointment of Jackson with a tweet.

In just a few days, Jackson went from a little-known public figure with a largely untouched reputation to a very scrupulous and high-profile candidacy, confronted with damaging allegations of mismanagement of prescriptions and heavy drinking. Less than a month after his appointment, Jackson withdrew from his candidacy.

"I understand that the President wants his people and that we want to exercise restraint as much as we can, but it would be good to know some of the issues that arise after Republican No. 3," said at the time.

Even Trump acknowledged in the last days of Jackson's appointment that his candidate had "an experience problem". Trump was even more direct in the following months.

"He may not have been qualified," Trump said.

A few months later, Trump announced its intention to appoint State Department spokesman Heather Nauert, United States ambassador to the United Nations, once again before the White House was able to a thorough review of the application.

The announcement has already sparked questions about Capitol Hill as to whether the former Fox News journalist turned spokesman was qualified to take on one of the most prominent diplomatic posts in the United States. And White House officials later discovered that Nauert hired a nanny who was not allowed to work in the United States.

Before his candidacy was formally submitted to the Senate, Nauert withdrew, citing family concerns. Like Jackson, she found herself appointed by the president to a lesser position: seat on the Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Council.

Subsequently, both Nauert and Jackson's relatives said that neither of them seemed particularly interested in the jobs they had been unsuccessful. But encouraged by a president who thought that they would be perfect for the job, they agreed to be named.

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