The record of electoral fraud seems to be strong. That's because it's not based on one or two pieces of evidence. It's rather a host of proofs. This means that even if part of the file were to collapse, there would still be reason to believe that the elections were not there.
The North Carolina law requires that ballots by mail can only be returned by an elector or his or her legal guardian or close relative (for example, a spouse, a handsome father or son-in-law). Democratic officials, however, were able to find voters in Bladen County (part of the 9th District of North Carolina), who said non-family members had gone to their homes. and promised to return their ballot papers to the state for counting. This practice, known as "ballot harvesting," is illegal in North Carolina, which alone would be enough to challenge the election results.
At least one voter further asserted that she had surrendered her ballot even though it was not completely completed nor sealed. It is plausible that these ballot papers were falsified once the voters handed them over. In a tight election, even a few modified votes could make a big difference.
2. Admission of Ballot Collectors
One of the ways we know whether ballot collection is taking place is that absentee ballots have two signed witnesses to ensure the integrity of the process. It would be highly unlikely that a person would be a witness several times, as this would probably require them to go from house to house to be a witness. This may be plausible if they also contributed to the distribution of the ballots, but remember that only close relatives or legal guardians can transmit ballots under the North Carolina law. Yet, seven people have witnessed more than 10 times.
Among them was Ginger Eason, interviewed by the local television channel WSOC. She admitted to the camera that she had been paid to collect ballots from people who were not her next of kin or for whom she had no legal guardianship (which is illegal under state law). In addition, Eason admitted that she did not send the ballots collected to the state. Instead, she turned them over to Leslie McCrae Dowless, a paid contractor from the Harris campaign, who paid her for her efforts. What Dowless did with these ballots is unclear.
3. A sneaky business story
Many claims in North Carolina continue to go around Dowless. He has already served a prison sentence for crime-related fraud. In 2016, Dowless was accused of questionable activities involving mail-in ballots. At this year's primary, Dowless's candidate (Todd Johnson) accumulated 98% of the absentee votes by mail in Bladen County. Johnson came third in the entire district.
At this year's primary, the Dowless (Harris) candidate won 96% of the votes cast in Bladen. In no other county in the district, Harris has reached this margin among the absent electors. Moreover, in no other county, the gross number of votes cast by postal vote was comparable to that of Bladen. (Voters often do not return ballots requested)
Dowless denied any fault in comments to the Charlotte Observer. CNN could not reach him Sunday or Monday.
4. Quirky Absentee Patron
FiveThirtyEight's Nathaniel Rakich examined how the votes of voters absent in each of the counties of the 9th District were compared to the overall vote in the district. As during the primary, Bladen got a higher percentage of his total vote through a mail ballot than the rest of the county in the 2018 general election. Not only that, but Harris won a larger voting margin in the absentees of Bladen County (24 points) than in any other county.
Of course, Bladen voters may have just liked Harris more than McCready. Yet, in all other counties in the district, absentee voters were more likely to vote for McCready than voters voting in a different way. On average, McCready went 24 points better. In Bladen, absentee voters were 8 points more likely to vote for Harris than other methods.
5. The partisanship of the absentees makes no sense
Another way to check whether the absentee vote in Bladen County makes sense is to look at the registration of the parties that voted. That's what Professor Michael Bitzer of Catawba College did.
In Bladen, 42% were registered Democrats, 39% were unaffiliated members and 19% were Republicans. It seems unlikely that such a democratic electorate favors Harris by 24 points in advance. Nevertheless, we expected a certain difference between the advantage of Democratic party registrations and the margins of voting.
It seems unlikely, however, that the disparity is as great as that. In no other county in the district, the difference between the margin of registration of the parties among the absent electors and the margin of the House did not exceed 24 points. In Bladen County, it was 47 points. A difference of 47 points is possible. One would think that at least one of the other counties in the district would have had something close to this difference. No one did.
What will happen if government officials agree that electoral fraud has occurred? The state election council could hold a new election. The US House of Representatives may refuse to sit on Harris. In either case, it is quite possible that a new election will be held in North Carolina's 9th District.
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