How Pelosi defeated the rebels and found his mallet

While deceased President George HW Bush was lying in the state of the Capitol Rotunda on December 4, Nancy Pelosi was several hundred meters away from an agreement that would bring her back to the presidency.

Colorado Representative Ed Perlmutter, leader of a group of Democrats The rebels who were trying to drive Pelosi out of the House leadership had returned to Washington to negotiate face-to-face with her. Pelosi had already rocked several critics and gained momentum in his attempt to retrieve the hammer. Perlmutter's group was besieged by Pelosi's allies both in and outside the Capitol.

The story continues (19659007) But Pelosi still had no votes to become the president. And she was ready to make a spectacular opening to lock her support. At the meeting in his office on the second floor of the Capitol, Pelosi told Perlmutter that she was open to an unlimited term.

This was the first time that Pelosi expressed willingness to accept an end date of his term after 16 years at the Democratic caucus summit. This was the decisive moment in Pelosi's few weeks of work to be the first legislator since the legendary Sam Rayburn in the 1950s to win second place in the loudspeaker.

"The agreement recognizes a limit to its presidency," Perlmutter told reporters Thursday. "It really starts the change I wanted to see."

"We were shocked to see …" added an assistant to another rebel Democrat.

The gambit worked. After a week of intense negotiations, Pelosi garnered support from Perlmutter and six other lawmakers who vowed they would vote against her in the House – giving her at least the 218 votes she needed to be elected president on Jan. 3 . [19659004] The six-week battle around the president's chair was that of the Pelosi vintage. Squeezing on a mix of pressure tactics that she had perfected over three decades in Congress, Pelosi waited for his critics, usa then threw them in the trash while they were looking for a way out.

The anti-Pelosi rebel group faces a difficult battle from the beginning. Pelosi maintained tremendous support in the caucus and had powerful allies outside of Congress to whip her. And the opposition of the huge class of freshmen was not as strong as many thought.

In the meantime, the rebels wanted Pelosi to be eliminated – but that's where their agreement ended. Her critics had different motivations to oppose her and different strategies to dethrone her. This discord finally weakened their hand during the negotiations.

"People started to get cold feet and decided they did not want to do it. They were under a lot of pressure, "said repugnant Rep. Kurt Schrader (D-Ore.), Critic of Pelosi, who still plans to oppose her in the House. "The goal has always been, for a week or two, to get a younger generation president in the House, representing the country and the future of our party. This did not happen.

The rebels won a victory, but not the one they were looking for. Pelosi will take over the presidency in January, much to the chagrin of most members of the Perlmutter group. It remains the face of the party and the new democratic majority of the House and will become the country's most important democrat, at least until the party appoints a presidential candidate.

Nevertheless, the importance of Pelosi's concession to leave by 2022 can & # 39; can not be overestimated. For years, Pelosi has resisted calls from a large group of his caucus to withdraw from the presidency. And Pelosi has repeatedly rebuffed and rejected rebel demands to give him a certain date to retire, until this week.

"I am satisfied with this result: we have someone who has knowledge, experience, skills and tenacity, who direct us," Perlmutter said. "But at the same time, this thing starts to move. And the opportunities for others to rise are obvious and will arise. "

First-Year Students Disrupt Rebel Plans

From the beginning, the rebels set expectations too high.

Perlmutter and a group of a dozen outgoing members hoped to unify their forces with a dozen incoming freshmen who had promised to vote against Pelosi during the election campaign. They planned to gather the signatures of 25 opponents on a letter and publish it as a show of force against Pelosi. That would have been more than enough to prevent him from sitting – Pelosi can only afford to lose 17 votes on the ground.

But the incumbents have encountered an unexpected problem. Most of the Democratic candidates who hit Pelosi during the mid-term campaign would not have signed their document.

It was not for lack of trying. Representative Seth Moulton (D-Mass.), One of the group's most prominent rebels, told his colleagues that he would win the new recruit, even calling these lawmakers "my candidates." multiple democratic sources.

As a former Marine Corps officer, Moulton had a personal connection with anti-Pelosi candidates who had a military background. He campaigned with them, raised funds, and worked alongside VoteVets, a progressive political organization that supports veterans running for office in an attempt to get them elected.

Moulton told those elected members that Pelosi was going to be dismissed and that it would be good for them to join the movement politically.

But Moulton has sold out too much, complained rebel sources. The elected representative, Mikie Sherrill, a former US Navy helicopter pilot working in New Jersey, has published an advertisement against Pelosi and has campaigned with Moulton. But she would not go near the letter. Several other freshmen who received help from Moulton also avoided the letter.

Pelosi had sterilized Moulton right under his nose. Just days after the election, she telephoned VoteVets President Jon Soltz to ask him to help woo the new students.

Soltz worked for Moulton but also had close relations with Pelosi. Soltz decided that his group would remain neutral. But he gave the candidates advice that was essential to help Pelosi, said sources: Think long play. To be an effective legislator, you will have to work with the next speaker – who will likely be Pelosi.

The review worked. The candidates refused to sign the rebel document. And when Moulton pushed for their signatures, he pushed them even further. In fact, veterans told other Democrats that they were angry at Moulton, said these lawmakers, concluding that they were being used for Moulton's own political advantage.

Rebel defections accumulate

Anti-Pelosi forces also encountered strategic roadblocks. It soon became clear that each rebel had a different motivation for signing the opposition letter – and different limits for the pressure on the opposing opposition to Pelosi.

"From the beginning, I think it was clear that some members really wanted to see the change immediately. Others would have been satisfied with a less firm and defined commitment, "said Rep. Bill Foster (D-Ill.). "It was the tension."

Pelosi also significantly strengthened his pressure tactics, launching an assault on the group from all sides.

Democrats Democrats. Andrew Cuomo of New York and Tom Wolf of Pennsylvania defended their national delegations on behalf of Pelosi. Union leaders including Richard Trumka, President of AFL-CIO, Randi Weingarten, President of the American Federation of Teachers, and Doug McCarron, President of the Carpenters' Brotherhood, lobbied critics for the They support it. Soon, the former vice president Al Gore, ex-Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) And former President Barack Obama's chief of staff, Denis McDonough, lobbied the legislator for him to support Pelosi.

"When you know that something is right and must happen, even though it may be unpopular, have to give voice to it. And accept the consequences, "said Rep. Linda Sanchez (D-Calif.), One of the rebels.

Just before Congress leaves the city for Thanksgiving, the anti-Pelosi faction lives a glimmer of hope. Marcia Fudge, a rebel member from Ohio, formerly highly respected president of Black Congress, has announced his name as a potential challenger for Pelosi. Pelosi's supporters had blamed his opponents for not offering an alternative to the California Democrat. Fudge's potential bid electrified the rebels and much of the media.

And it was finished. On November 19, the same morning, the rebels planned to make public their letter of opposition to Pelosi, Fudge suddenly removed her name from the document – a sign that she was cold feet.

In fact, she was. Almost immediately after Fudge announced her name as a speaker, outside groups attacked her as being anti-LGBT. And members of the Black Caucus in Congress whom she was close to – including black women who had spent years as legislators hoping to see one of their occupy the presidential chair – said that they could not support it.

It was at this point that Deputy Democrat Leader Jim Clyburn, the top black legislator, stepped in to mediate between Fudge, his close friend and Pelosi. Behind the scenes, the Democrat from South Carolina had arranged a meeting between the two before the Thanksgiving break. At the end of their discussion, Fudge left the room, doubting that he could challenge Pelosi.

Fudge returned home, consulted her pastor and family before deciding that she would not show up. It was also helpful for Pelosi to lose to Fudge a position she had long wanted: a subcommittee chair overseeing election issues.

"We have just decided that this is not the time, but more importantly, finally decide that this majority that I would prefer at least to make believe that we are on the same wave length and that it is the same. there is some unity within the caucus, "Fudge told POLITICO during an interview.

Before conceding Fudge, however, news that a former colleague and political ally Fudge had defended years ago was suspected of having murdered his wife. Years before, Fudge had lobbied a judge who had sentenced this man to a lighter sentence, Fudge's letter asking for clemency became viral, a huge embarrassment for the Ohio Democrat.

Fudge gave up speaking for an orator and supported Pelosi – even though she said "of course", Pelosi was behind the attacks she, what deny the offices of Pelosi.

The brutal offensive against Fudge shook the rebels and its rapid surrender caused a "moment of panic" among some other members of the group, according to Democratic sources.

Other dominoes began to fall quickly. Representative Brian Higgins, who also signed the letter, left the group to don Pelosi the next day. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, a New York compatriot, lobbied Higgins to change his mind. The same was true for the new chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, Richard Neal (D-Mass.), A close ally of Pelosi.

After a mere pledge from Pelosi to try to send his bill on Medicare to the House, Higgins gave in – and expressed remorse. .

"I should not have signed the letter," said Higgins. "I had my reasons to break with the leader, I stated these reasons very clearly, but I did not need a group to represent him. … I could have got that title [deal with Pelosi] anyway. "

Rep. Stephen Lynch (D-Mass.), Another signatory of the letter, expressed his support in exchange for some new legislative promises from Pelosi, particularly with regard to infrastructure.

The three desertions occur while other rebels are as well. to be clubbed at home.

At a public meeting in his district of Massachusetts, Moulton was grilled for his anti-Pelosi attitude. The local press has enlightened for orchestrating a coup against her. A few days later, without even warning his rebellious colleagues, Moulton's office informed the Washington Post that the group was ready to negotiate with Pelosi to find a way to resolve the conflict – a possibility that he could not. he had not mentioned it yet.

Moulton's decision infuriates many members of the group, who accuse him of attacking them to save his life. In fact, most had no idea that Moulton intended to make this suggestion, which almost certainly weakened their own bargaining position.

Moulton only worsens the situation a few days later. He asked to meet Pelosi to begin talks between the two sides. He then misled his rebellious comrades as to the origin of the discussion, according to three sources close to the case.

Moulton told Kathleen Rice (D-N.Y.) And Rep. Tim Ryan (D-Ohio) – perhaps the most fervent critics of the group – that Pelosi had asked for the meeting. In fact, he had approached the Pelosi team and told him he wanted to sit down

. This created a delicate dynamic before a terrible meeting . Rice entered Pelosi's office and said, "Thank you for convening this meeting."

"I did not ask this meeting," pelosi mocked.

An annoying silence s & #

Perlmutter made his entry

It was at this point that Perlmutter decided to take a different and more personal tactic with Pelosi. 19659004] The Colorado Democrat has a closer relationship with Pelosi than any other rebel But while he loved Pelosi, Perlmutter thought that she should retire after 16 years as head of the Democratic Party.

The connection between the two was nevertheless clear.At a recent meeting between the Moderate Democrats and Pelosi the two surprised everyone when they intertwined with each other. At the time, Perlmutter advocated changes to the rules so that it was p Read more difficult for Pelosi to be the speaker.

Yet, Pelosi went privately to Perlmutter during the Thanksgiving break to start discussions, and both decided to see if they could craft an agreement. A series of telephone calls from Perlmutter-Pelosi led to the December 4 meeting, claiming that its members and their Democratic assistants had "broken the barrage".

On December 5, the next morning, Pelosi had proposed to consider the possibility of limiting the duration of his term. Perlmutter announced the news to the rebels during a conference call.

Some members of the group were already looking for an exit ramp. Pelosi's offer "opened up a whole new world of possibilities that they did not think were real," said a source close to the group.

Others resisted. Schrader warned the group not to agree and tried to remind them of their original goal: to eliminate Pelosi.

Perlmutter asked Sanchez to bring him deeper into the discussions with Pelosi. As vice-chair of the Democratic caucus, Sanchez knew the basics of caucus rules, a skill needed for the group to negotiate such a big change. Without Sanchez's wisdom, some rebels feared being thwarted by Pelosi.

Foster also became a key member of the negotiating faction with Pelosi. Pelosi had contacted the Democrat of Illinois earlier in the process to ask him what he wanted, but Foster had made it clear that he was not interested in a one-time agreement.

"At the very beginning of my individual discussions with her, I said that I was focusing on institutional change that I thought was late," Foster said in an interview.

It is Foster who had the first idea the term limits formula that became the basis of the rebel contract with Pelosi

With the support of most rebels, the trio – Perlmutter, Foster and Sanchez – is put to work.

"When [Pelosi]" We launched floating specific concepts involving term limits for management positions, this is the first time we see a way to successful negotiations, "Foster said.

Perlmutter, Sanchez and Foster wrote different versions of the term limits of party leaders, as

The various proposals were distributed to the rebels on 6 December. For the group, there were two outstanding questions: would the term of office be retroactive, going back to the time when the Democrats were in power? majority almost [1 9659005] ten years ago? And which members of the democratic leadership would apply the limits?

After intense discussions, including with democrats outside the rebel group, the anti-Pelosi faction decided to focus on term limits covering only Pelosi, Clyburn and the minority whip Steny Hoyer (D-Md .).

At this point, it was clear that some rebels, like Schrader, would never sign an agreement with Pelosi. But the chief negotiators were confident that they could get enough support to assume Pelosi's presidency if they agreed to their conditions.

Perlmutter worked on the phone over the weekend, talking to Pelosi several times. On Monday, December 10, the rebel group met again. The outlines of an agreement were coming together, but several rebels who feared losing weight on Pelosi still insisted that the terms of office be passed by the entire caucus before the roll-call vote of the speakers on 3 January.

Sanchez, Foster, and Perlmutter met with other high-ranking Democrats that night to see if it was planned that the calendar would allow all caucuses – including new freshmen who are not Were not back in town – to vote on the plan. 19659004] They determined that there was not much time left before the speaker's vote to try to impose a change of rules. At that time, according to several sources, Pelosi's decision to make a public statement supporting the change – and agreeing to respect the conditions even if the caucus did not – became a necessary ingredient for gaining rebel support.

A rebel group made another call Tuesday morning when it finalized the terms of its eventual agreement.

In the afternoon, after Pelosi returned from a tense television meeting with President Donald Trump over the border wall, Perlmutter, Foster and Sanchez huddled at Pelosi. Office. They presented the terms of the agreement and promised six – even seven – rebel votes back

. That was enough to win the agreement. Pelosi would have the votes to win the presidency – and thus avoid a bitter battle on the ground – and the rebels were assured that Pelosi's term would have a clear end date.

"We won a lot of seats on November 6th. people want to take advantage of the majority, "said Perlmutter on Thursday," it was the first day that I really had the idea of ​​being part of the majority and appreciating it. "