Will Pakistan ever wipe out extremism?


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Vinay Kaura

Pakistan's new prime minister is very difficult to tackle the impending challenge posed by Islamist hardliners. China, Imran Khan, Pakistan, Imran Khan, Pakistan, Imran Khan, Pakistan . It has been reported by the government's spin doctors that he means business. But reality is very different from rhetoric.

Pakistan's Supreme Court's landmark decision to acquit Aasia Bibi, a Christian women accused of committing blasphemy. The situation became worse when protesters were stranded in Pakistan. But instead of dealing with protesters, the law enforcement agencies submitted meekly before the rampaging zealots, and the terms of submission are very humiliating.

Pakistan is in deep trouble. The worsening law and order situation points towards an internal security challenge that Pakistan has not faced for a long time. There have been unsustainable arguments on how Pakistan's military establishment successfully dealt with the Tehreek-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and therefore the Tehreek Labaik Ya Rasool Allah (TLY) can also be dealt with. But what remains unanswered is the fact that while the TTP was a terrorist group, it was easier to achieve that goal.

The TLP has been openly radicalizing Pakistani youths whose impact may not be clearly visible, but has huge ramifications for Pakistani society in the longer-run. These radicalized are based in Pakistan and strongly believe in religious narratives that are blatantly intolerant and fanatic. That is why the people protesting in the streets across Pakistan have seen the judicial institutions, and are not willing to buy the argument that there is no evidence against Aasia Bibi that could prove she committed blasphemy. The top leaders of the TLY not only called for the murder of Aasia, but also asked for death for the Supreme Court judges who made the decision. They went a step further by inciting mutiny against the army chief.

Though Imran Khan delivered a strong warning to religious hardliners, but can not follow it up with action against them. It is not unaware that Pakistani State's decades-old policy of radical Islamist appeasing has radicalized millions of impressionable minds. In the minds of these extremist protesters, they are only following the true path in the service of Islam. Clearly, penetration of Islamist radicalism has reached mammoth proportions in Pakistani society.

The Pakistani State is not expected to enforce the rule of law before the rising power of the radical Islamist elements in society. And the inaction on the part of the State institutions will further strengthen the narrative of Islamist hardliners. The apparent inability or unwillingness, or both, of Pakistani government to enforce the Supreme Court's acquittal of Aasia Bibi demonstrates beyond doubt that Pakistan has entered a very dangerous phase. The government can not be expected to target religious intolerance. But the politics of appeasement will further the authority of the State and empower the religious right.

The Pakistani State is heavily involved in military proxies over the years as part of foreign policy misadventures, but these proxies are turning against the State itself. The trend of supporting non-state actors has been in force for years and continues to date for geopolitical expediency. Which other country can be held by Pakistan's politicians for the ongoing crisis?

Even after seven decades of its birth, Pakistan has yet to discover its identity. All the lofty talk of a 'Naya Pakistan' remains castles in the air. As long as Pakistan's military establishment does not terminate the short-sighted policy of state sponsorship of terrorism, the mindset of religious intolerance can not be confronted. If past experience is any guide, there is no possibility that Pakistani State will wake up before it is too late.

(Vinay Kaura, is an Assistant Professor at the Department of International Affairs and Security Studies, Sardar Patel University of Police, Security and Criminal Justice, Rajasthan)

DISCLAIMER: Views expressed above are the author's own.

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