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We still have to understand God's plan for Michael Avenatti, and if we do, it will probably cause a lot of atheism, but when Avenatti is rapping democrats to be too soft at the border: "We can no longer be painted as weak and then lose. #Basta "- maybe that means something. At the very least, it evokes the dilemmas the party faces, for which migration has become a huge gap. Nearly a decade ago, Pew found that only 48 percent of Democrats agreed with the statement that "immigrants strengthen the country through their work and talents"; today, 84% do it. (It does not matter if it's a stupid question, because no one thinks about it in such general terms, it's always suggestive.) The calls for border security are now beyond the reach of politicians such as Nancy Pelosi, and Donald Trump intends to capitalize on change. This became particularly evident when a caravan of 7,000 people, 14,000 of whom were from Honduras, crossed Mexico to the US border, according to a report from Mexico. While the Democrats seem ready to take the House back, Trump sees the caravan as a last-minute political gift before the mid-term, and he may be right.
Despite the strength of the economy (although rate hikes have dampened the effect), Republicans have little to campaign for. They confirmed Trump's judges, but that's more for the grassroots than it is for the voters to tip. Their attempts to repeal Obamacare only hurt them. Their tax bill is mediocre. Infrastructure bills have never arrived. Neither made a wall. At best, they win the contest less ugly. In an almost cynical lie, Trump tweeted that Republicans want to protect coverage for pre-existing conditions, while Democrats – the party that defeated Republican resistance to enact laws protecting people with preexisting conditions – defended it. (Even by the political standards of immodesty, it was a dropper.)
In such a climate, a mass movement to the north, made up of thousands of people determined to flood the US border, came at the right time. Some on the right bangs accuse a financier George Soros to be behind, but a more logical choice would be the Trump Donor Sheldon Adelson. The images of thousands of protesters ready to pour in are surely only useful for Republicans. Trump tweeted a lot about the caravan, threat cut aid to several countries of Central America, wish to arrest and expel anyone who comes, and suggested "The peoples of the Middle East are mixed." (He admitted later to have invented this last statement, noting with nihilistic bloom, "there is no evidence of anything.") In charge of addressing. Nevertheless, his message could be clear enough to cover the cost of appearing impeccable.
Democrats' responses were weak, although the media tended to amplify them. Chuck Schumer and Nancy Pelosi issued a statement that Trump uses the caravan as an electoral ploy, while Democrats focus on health care. A New York Times The story also explained that Trump uses the caravan as an electoral ploy, while Democrats focus on health care. (Subtitle: "Stirring voter anxiety with an unfounded caravan narrative." Some might argue that Trump's effect on "the impartiality and neutrality of the Time"Was not salutary.) Joe Biden argued that only hysteria explains the attention to the caravan. "The caravan is 3,000 km away," he told CNN. "It looks like they're crossing the border." (It seems like they do not cross the Mexican border.) Why does a migrant caravan 1,000 miles from the US border saturate the blanket of the US border? US news? CNN asks Oliver Darcy. Note the difference between the two numbers of Biden and Darcy. Caravans, by their design, move.
Voters will naturally decide on the importance of the caravan, as readers and editors will do. But dismiss it as "malnourished pedestrians" heading towards the United States "at a dizzying speed of about three miles at the hour", like a sarcastic Dana Milbank done in The Washington Post, is surely missing its implications. The caravan exposes innumerable vulnerabilities in our current system. Migrants apprehended for their illegal entry may claim a "credible fear" of returning home and seeking asylum from the United States. Because their numbers are beyond the capacity of the authorities and children can not be detained for more than 20 days, it is unlikely that a family will be released in the country while its case is reflected in the system. During these years, their children will go to school, others may be born (and they will be US citizens, which will cause family separation problem), and an eviction order (if the 39, asylum is refused) will take years to be executed. In most cases, the application will not be done, and those who execute the order will trigger indignant calls to abolish ICE. It is therefore not surprising that the number of "credible fear" interviews conducted by asylum officers increased from just over 5,000 in 2007 to nearly 92,000. in 2016, 18 times more.
The White House has no apparent idea of what to do about it, and Trump has been everywhere. He envisioned or tried to almost close the border (which turned out to be impracticable); scare newcomers by separating children from their parents (this turned out to be abominable); ask Congress to change the laws (Congress has not done so); to have Mexico sign a "safe third country" agreement that would oblige migrants transiting the country to seek asylum there instead of the United States (Mexico will not have it). The fighting is said to be intense. That's why the National Security Advisor John Bolton and chef de cabinet John Kelly recently had a match screaming outside the oval office.
But Trump's impertility comes at least with the awareness of the threat, which is why, without doing anything significant to tackle the caravan, he can take advantage of it. We have seen that the rich developed countries are paralyzed by a central reality of the 21st century: billions of poor people in far away countries have the means and motivation to settle in rich countries. A temporary loosening of borders in Germany for a few months in 2015 resulted in the arrival of over a million people. The pressures will only grow in the coming decades. By 2050, the population of Mexico will have grown by 30 million inhabitants. The population of India will have increased by 400 million. The population of Africa, which now stands at 1.2 billion, will have doubled. Unless there are economic miracles, disparities in wealth between countries will remain vast and the attraction of Europe and North America will be great. The incentive to mass migration will only increase as climate change makes large tropical areas less and less habitable for millions of people. Refugee resettlement and unauthorized migration are on the verge of becoming the most pressing issues of Western politics, going beyond their current litigation.
Donald Trump has done a lot of things that will hurt the United States in the long run. On the world stage, it came out of treaties with Russia and Iran, embraced Saudi Arabia and its war with Yemen, gave Israel a go-anywhere and projected belligerency in multiple directions. On the local scene, he raised partisan temperatures in the United States and poured gasoline as a criminal arsonist over disputes that it was best to let melt. He blamed his Attorney General for pursuing the Republicans. He has done and will probably not do anything to limit business interests attacking vulnerable Americans. He degraded our speech. The list continues. But his approach of sticking to some old-fashioned assumptions – among which the most important for Americans is what's good for Americans, it's his biggest concern about immigration – could still come to his rescue, even if the economy did not do it. As long as "America First" arouses in principle the disgust of his opponents, he will prosper in their disgust.
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