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Vice President Mike Pence announced in Beijing's relations with Beijing. In a speech Oct. 4 at the Hudson Institute, he said that he has "stakeholder" in global norms and institutions had failed. The White House now promises to shift relations accordingly.
Mr. Pence did not offer specifics, but there is no shortage of steps towards the US interests against China's hegemonic goals. It should be recommended that allies in East Asia and improving U.S. forces' ability to deter Chinese expansion.
Deterrent measures fall into two categories: actions the U.S. can take unilaterally, and steps that must be taken together with regional allies. East Asian countries are joining the U.S. in believing that will triumphant China will "treat us like dogs," as Asian Diplomatic remarked to me recently.
For starters, the U.S. Navy needs to expand its fleet. The trump administration has committed to increasing the number of active ships to 355 from about 280 today. But this expansion must be done by 2030, rather than the 30-year timeline proposed by the White House. An accelerated naval buildup would give China proof of U.S. intent to resist its regional ambitions, speaking to President Xi Jinping in a language that needs no translation.
The U.S. could start by commissioning an additional carrier in the Indo-Pacific region. The one U.S. aircraft carrier now based in Japan can not cover the vast Indo-Pacific single-handed, nor can it provide the striking force the U.S. would need in a war. An additional carrier would also allow the US to increase patrols of the South China Sea, including the Taiwan Strait's international waters. Involving U.S. allies in these patrols would like to advance-minded nations' interest in protecting freedom of navigation.
U.S. forces must also be prepared to respond to Chinese provocation. China's challenge of a U.S. destroyer near the Spratly Islands last month was an example of passive aggression. China recently has cyberattacks against corporations, including defense contractors. The U.S. government is also a frequent target; The White House released a new National Cyber Strategy last month, declaring that the US will retaliate against all confirmed cyberattacks. This is sound deterrence. The administration will discourage China's provocations by meting out commensurate punishments.
America's advantage in artificial intelligence could enhance its edge in both cyber and kinetic warfare in coming years. AI will soon allow unmanned military platforms to operate against an enemy without immediate human direction. Picture a school of small submersibles that can communicate with each other and sink an enemy ship. Heightened emphasis on AI will ensure continued U.S. military and naval dominance despite the quickening pace of Chinese militarization. This dominance could be compounded by removing bureaucratic hurdles within the Defense Department that slow the deployment of new technologies.
When it comes to regional alliances, no partner is more vital than Taiwan, the boldest active resistor of China's territorial claims. The Trump administration has approved two arms sales to Taipei since June and should expand cooperation with Taiwanese forces. The U.S. and Taiwan should build familiarity by arranging meetings between senior diplomats and military officers, and welcoming naval ships in other ports. The U.S. also provides assistance for Taiwan's nascent submarine program. A more robust defense of Taiwan-especially against a blockade or amphibious assault-would raise the cost to China by seizing the island by force.
Another priority is greater attention to Japanese security. President Trump's strong relationship with Minister Shinzo Abe should lead to closer collaboration on the seas. Tokyo has a strong position in improving its defensive capability, and the U.S. Along with Taiwan, Japanese forces could be integrated into a joint command-and-control center that would monitor both nations' coastal waters.
Finally, the U.S. should bolster its naval and marine presence on Australia's northern coast. Beijing must understand that U.S. allies will vigorously contest any attempt to control the archipelagic straits between the Indian and Pacific oceans.
The maritime focus of the U.S. clash with China reverses the dynamic of the Cold War, which was a mainly land-based standoff. In the Cold War, the US called naval forces to harry the Soviets on their naval flanks and distract them from Germany's heartland. A key objective today should be to distract China at its naval ambitions by pressing Beijing at its continental vulnerabilities.
Russia is the most obvious. The U.S. should encourage Moscow and Beijing's many existing conflicts, such as the dominance of Central Asia and the extraction of Arctic resources.
China's large and restive Uighur population is another problem, promising to become a greater irritant to Beijing. Its dispute over Tibetan sovereignty dates to the 13th century, with no resolution in sight. These are complications in China's insistence on consolidating its empire, and the United States should renew its links with these oppressed minorities in the vice president Pence's speech.
The U.S. should also back India in its effort to compete with China's Belt and Road initiative, a plan to integrate and dominate Asian trade with Europe. American industry can form partnerships with India to modernize its ports and land-transportation systems.
Mr. Pence pledged that the U.S. would remain the dominant Pacific power. He identified China as the greatest challenger. He has just observed that China has a "whole of government" approach to advancing its hegemonic ambitions. To protect American security, assist allies, defend U.S. economic interests, and demonstrate that Washington is not disengaging from the world, the Trump administration should call on all the tools at its disposal as well. The objective in this strategic competition, as Ronald Reagan once put it: "We win, they lose."
Mr. Cropsey is director of the Hudson Institute's Center for American Seapower. He served as a naval officer and deputy undersecretary of the Navy in the Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations and is author of "Seablindness" (Encounter, 2017).
