A bomb threat reveals Trump's precarious embrace to the presidency



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The controversy over explosive devices sent to prominent Democrats, a liberal billionaire and CNN – frequent targets of President's rhetoric – follows a pattern repeated repeatedly for more than 21 tumultuous months.

In the event of a natural disaster, political controversy or mass shootings, the media and political circles hope that Trump invokes a poetic vision of a common goal and unity, aspiring to a show consistent with traditional conventions. of the presidency at a great historical debate. moments.

Trump then produces a scripted response that is adequate, but at the moment or in the days following, this message is masked by radioactive comments or tweets that arouse strong criticism and mobilize the conservative media machine in his defense, then that he often returns his responsibility on the media.

This suggests that the President does not really want to play the role of National Councilor – a role that suits him badly given his deliberate division style. The drama usually ends with another layer of bile added to the politics of the nation.

It is deeply ironic to say that a president who has based his political career on binding conventions and norms should be constantly shaken by the codes of behavior and ceremony that define the role of the head of state.

But his situation also helps to explain why the political divisions and mutual mistrust that divide America – between Trump's loyalists and critics – are impossible to reconcile and will produce a bitter election campaign by 2020.

The last days have stuck to the script.

Decrease your own words

As soon as the authorities discovered that homemade bombs had been sent to former President Barack Obama, to the homes of former President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, as well as to other Trump targets such as George Soros and CNN, the eyes turned to the White House.

The president had to say something, and he did it at the top of an event scheduled for Wednesday.

"I just want to tell you that, in these times, we must unite, we must unite and send a very clear message, strong and indisputable: that the acts or threats of political violence of any kind whatsoever shall have no place in the United States. " States of America, "said Trump in criticizing the" blatant "and" heinous "attacks.

It was a strong statement at first sight, even though it was remarkable not to name any of the victims, who were all at the center of Trump's anger.

But Trump got a pass in the eyes of most commentators.

It was only later that his reluctance to play the role that the presidential tradition required became evident. At a rally in Wisconsin, the president tarnished his message by accusing the media and his opponents of the bitter atmosphere in which the homemade bombs had been manufactured and delivered.
His performance not only flouted the paternal conventions of the modern presidency – which goes back at least to Franklin Roosevelt's fireside discussions during the Great Depression – but she also suggested that, when it is not in a formal and scripted environment, Trump cares only about his own. political motivations.

"This was one of the worst moments of the Trump presidency," said CNN Presidential Historian Douglas Brinkley. "It was a golden opportunity to be great, to try to say something that would unify the country … He left, in my opinion, as a very small president."

The attitude of the president triggered a storm in the media and then a negative reaction from his white house. Sarah Sanders, press officer, accused reporters of always focusing on "the negative" and not playing their own role in promoting national unity.

Trump then launched a tweet, releasing a new acrimony, sparking new accusations about his attitude to constitutional norms and freedoms and his understanding of what a president is supposed to do.

The response on such occasions, however, resonates with Trump supporters, who see the president as a victim of relentless and biased press coverage, a factor that makes him even more fearful.

Trump's confidante confided to CNN, Jeff Zeleny, that critics of the president's behavior in the face of bomb warnings only reinforced Trump's feeling that he was "dealing with hostility and fear." Injustice – there was no way to deter him ".

Friday morning, around 3 am, Trump again consulted Twitter to defend himself and criticize the media, claiming that they "m" accused me of the current wave of bombs ". He went on to say that, while he was facing much criticism from the media, he was labeled "non-presidential" when he returned the favor.

It was not the first time his critics left Trump dozing after critics had criticized him for failing to meet the standards of decorum and decency expected of a commander-in-chief and for revealing a leader unable to overcome the political struggle to console oneself. and lead his nation.

After the violence at a gathering of white supremacies in Charlottesville, Virginia, last year during which an anti-racist protester was killed, Trump was first criticized for an answer inadequate, then delivered a speech condemning a "blatant manifestation of fanaticism, hatred and violence". has "no place in America".
But he could not help it. A day later, at a press conference at the Trump Tower, he accused "both sides" of the violence, sparking a multi-day debate over the race.

"You had a group on one side that was bad, you have a group on the other side that was also very violent, nobody wants to say that, I'll say it right away," Trump said. .

It was almost as if the president could not let his scriptured "presidential" style remarks have the last word. Maybe it's a symptom of his rebelliousness. Or perhaps it shows a need to signal to his loyal base, which embraced his revolt against the establishment, that he did not become a native of Washington.

The same scenario took place when Trump returned from Finland after showing outrage at Russian President Vladimir Putin at a summit.

He read a statement intended to point out that he had accepted the intelligence community's assessments of Moscow's interference in the 2016 US elections. But he could not resist the ## 147 ## Adding a warning – "could be another person too" – in an ad-lib that undermined his statement, but was also an act of defiance of Washington's expectations.

Whenever the weight of the convention and tradition forces it to act in a single way, Trump, the foreigner and the iconoclast, can not bring itself to a standstill. conform to it.

And each time, Trump's criticism and the fury that ensues from his entourage in the face of media reaction further aggravates polarization.

That's part of his presidency from the beginning. He appeared when he visited the CIA on his first full day in power, attacked the media for his coverage of his inaugural crowds, and effectively led a campaign rally. in front of the revered memorial wall of the agency to the deceased officers.

Gravity of the presidency

Some commentators believe that Trump simply does not wish to honor the moral authority of the presidency and considers it merely a vehicle of his power, prestige and glorification.

Others suggest that he does not understand the magnitude of his responsibilities.

"He's now president of the United States, he's not on a talk show somewhere," New York Governor Andrew Cuomo told Brooke Baldwin on Thursday.

"When this position of power spews hateful rhetoric, it has an effect."

Another theory about Trump's behavior could be that he's so relentlessly relied on his political base that he can not afford to do anything that could harm his image. supreme defender.

The president also knows that he is more effective when he attacks an enemy in the heat of the moment. And a political method that relies on inflamed cultural, racial and societal divisions means that it could never be accepted by those who despise it anyway.

But all this leaves a bigger question: what will be the impact on the American life and the national unity of the years of such civic discord?

Trump may simply not be able to summon the words and the aspiration to rally the country – as President George W. Bush has done on a pile of rubble after 9/11 – or even not want to do it.

In the end, as a so-called disruptive, he may realize that it is simply impossible to respect the historical expectations and conventions of his work while remaining true to himself. And if it is a choice, there is no doubt about choosing the equation.

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