A disciple of the Brazilian dictatorship approaches the presidency

SAO PAULO (Reuters) – In 1993, Congressman Jair Bolsonaro climbed onto a podium in Brazil's lower house and delivered a speech that shook his young democracy: he declared his love for the not-so-distant military regime of the country and asked for the dissolution of parliament.

"Yes, I'm in favor of a dictatorship!" Bolsonaro, a former army captain, thundered the deputies, some of whom had joined the guerrilla groups to fight the junta that ruled Brazil in 1964 to 1985. "We will never solve the grave national problems with this irresponsible democracy! "

On Sunday, the Brazilians will vote in a presidential election that could allow Bolsonaro to become the fifth most populous country in the world. Political traveler who has crossed nine minor parties in 27 years of career, his point of view has changed little since that day in the capital, Brasilia.

But his message of jealousy – that Brazil is a case of dysfunctional panic that needs a rule of iron fist to restore order – resonates with Brazilians distraught by the growing crime of the nation, its moribund economy and his political corruption rooted.

Violent criminals? Bolsonaro says to shoot them all down. Political enemies? Them too. Corruption? A military coup will dry up the marsh if the justice system does not do it, he says. L & # 39; s economy? Bolsonaro wants to privatize state-run businesses to keep politicians off the field.

Momentum in the crowds

The 63 year old is growing. According to the latest survey conducted by the poll firm Datafolha, it is leading a group of 13 candidates who are preparing for the first round of elections on October 7. They will get 35% of the votes. If no candidate wins a majority, the first two winners of the vote will compete on October 28th. The pollsters give Bolsonaro about 30% chance of winning this weekend. some say in private that his chances could be even better than that.

If there is a second round, the opponent of Bolsonaro will probably be Fernando Haddad of the Left Workers Party. Datafolha shows them that they are related to a potential flow.

Many Brazilians are sounding the alarm about the autocratic views of Bolsonaro and his vice-presidential vice-president, Major-General Hamilton Mourao, who has just retired, claiming that the Brazilian Constitution can be torn and rewritten without the participation of citizens.

Then there are accusations of federal hate speech against Bolsonaro for his racist, homophobic and misogynistic remarks. Her flagship film includes an argument with a Congressional woman who, according to Bolsonaro, was not attractive enough for him to rape.

The Bolsonaro campaign did not respond to Reuters' interview requests.

But supporters insist that tens of millions of Brazilians silently support Bolsonaro, though some refuse to admit it to friends or pollsters.

Brazilians from all walks of life applaud his vow to make life miserable for armed gangs who took them prisoner in their own homes. Many welcome its pledge to relax firearms laws so that ordinary citizens can protect themselves. Businessmen appreciate his recent adherence to the market economy.

Young people are fascinated by the harsh criticism of rivals on social media. Polls show that Bolsonaro behaves well with voters, although he has been described as misogynist by many.

Evangelical Christians, who make up a quarter of the electorate, are particularly fond of Bolsonaro, a Catholic who promised to rid schools of sex education, derail gay rights and thwart any attempt to relax the strict laws on abortion. Some see in his recent survival at an almost fatal knife attack on the election campaign the sign that Bolsonaro, whose middle name, Messias, means "Messiah", was sent by God to guide them.

Others see it as the only possible option to prevent the return of the ruling Workers Party, or PT, whose founder, former Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula of Silva, is serving a twelve-year sentence of Imprisonment for bribery and money laundering.

Teenager Gilson Barbosa Silva, from a difficult neighborhood in Sao Paulo, says his dislike for the PT is such that he will vote reluctantly for Bolsonaro, a member of the Social Liberal Party.

"The options are depressing … (but) it's the only new option," said the tattooed 18-year-old.

Carlos Melo, a political scientist at Insper, a leading business school in Sao Paulo, said Bolsonaro was able to capitalize on the polarization that worsened with the fall of Lula.

"The roots of his support lie in the political radicalization that flourished in Brazil," said Melo. "Jair Bolsonaro is a symbol of this transition."

MILITARY TO POLITICS

Some experts call Bolsonaro a "tropical asset" because of its huge social network, pugnacious behavior and multiple wives. Steve Bannon, the guru of the US President's campaign, also advised Bolsonaro.

But long-time political observers from Brazil – where complete democracy has been an exception to the succession of authoritarian regimes of the last century – claim that Bolsonaro is a unique creation erected in the long shadow of the country's last dictatorship.

Bolsonaro celebrated his ninth birthday just days before the 1964 coup. Son of untrained dentist, he opted for the army. In 1977, he graduated from the Black Needles Military Academy, the Brazilian equivalent of West Point.

His career in the army was indeterminate. Bolsonaro landed in the brig for a few weeks in 1986 after a Brazilian press magazine published its complaints about a derisory military payoff. But his words drew widespread discontent from the soldiers at the base. He got this support to serve on the Rio de Janeiro City Council in 1988 and then in Congress two years later.

Bolsonaro's legislative achievements are slim: he signed only two bills that were passed. Yet, it has never been tarnished by corruption.

Now, after nearly three decades of politics, Bolsonaro is battling a tsunami of voter frustration that could lead him to the presidency.

Brazil is still going through its worst recession in decades; 13 million are unemployed. Crime has exploded and drug-related violence has affected every corner of the country. Last year, nearly 64,000 murders were recorded, the highest number ever recorded. The epic investigation into corruption that imprisoned Lula revealed a pay-to-play political culture of staggering proportions.

The disgust of Brazilian leaders is palpable. According to the latest annual poll by Latinobarometro, a Chilean think tank, only 13 percent of Brazilians are "satisfied" or "very satisfied" with democracy.

This toxic environment has supporters of Bolsonaro, like the American voters who sent Donald Trump to the White House, in the hope that it will be a walking grenade that will explode the system from the inside .

"If it manages to mitigate its mistakes and get rid of the old corrupt foxes that govern our political system, in four years we will have more candidates who put Brazil's interests ahead of theirs," said Raphael Enohata. , 26 years old. graduate student in engineering at the University of Sao Paulo. "It's only the beginning of the transition we want."

Drug gangs are also high on the Bolsonaro blacklist.

"We can not treat criminals as normal human beings that must be respected," Bolsonaro said in August. He said law enforcement should pump suspects with "10, 15 or 30" bullets each and then "be awarded rewards" for their efforts.

A few days later, at a rally, Bolsonaro seized a cameraman's tripod and imitated shooting with a rifle. "We are going to shoot down all those supporters of the Workers Party!", He shouted to the applause of the crowd.

His campaign said it was a joke. But Bolsonaro is serious about what he considers his destiny.

"God has called me to this race," he said, accepting the nomination of his party. "My mother gave me the middle name, the Messiah. But I alone will not be the savior of Brazil. Who will save, all of us, together. "