In addition to restrictions on halal food, Islamic clothing and religiosity in general, the ongoing crackdown has mainly affected the Uighurs, a predominantly Muslim ethnic group that was historically the majority in the region.
At a press conference held on Thursday in Beijing, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lu Kang said that "taking measures to prevent and suppress terrorism and extremism has helped preserve the stability, as well as the life and livelihoods of people of all ethnicities in Xinjiang ".
Although the strategies adopted by Beijing are new – and include a state-of-the-art surveillance regime – they echo long-standing paranoia about Xinjiang and deep suspicion of the nonpublic population. -Han among the Chinese leaders, which has always resulted in oppression. and rebellion.
New territory
Xinjiang is vast. Extending over 1.6 million square kilometers (640,000 square miles) of the Tibetan plateau southeast to Kazakhstan by its northwestern border, it is by far the most large administrative region of China, but one of the least populated. About 22 million people reside in the region, most of whom live around the major cities of Urumqi, Kashgar and Yining.
While Chinese armies have ravaged what is now Xinjiang and controlled parts of it for centuries, the modern administrative unit only dates from the mid – nineteenth century, what its name is. indicates, which translates to "new frontier" in Chinese.
Despite the Communist Party's claims that "Xinjiang has been an inseparable part of the motherland since time immemorial," Xinjiang's relatively recent conquest is still accompanied by an ever-present paranoia wanting to see people in Xinjiang. He can break with Chinese rule, becoming another "outside". Mongolia."
During the Sino-Soviet split, there was a deep fear in Beijing that Moscow was seeking to annex Xinjiang, which bordered the Soviet Union at the time, or to encourage ethnic minority groups to rebel.
This was a very real possibility: during the 1930s and 1940s, while the short-lived nationalist government was waging a civil war against the communists and was facing a growing threat of Japanese invasion, two dissident republics East Turkestan were declared and quickly resettled in Xinjiang.
While the independence movements of East Turkestan (and their successors today) were largely based on ethnonationalist arguments about a homeland for Turkish-speaking Uighurs, Beijing's main concern since the beginning of the millennium has been the spread of potential of radical Islam in the region. alleged influence of international terrorist organizations.
Particularly in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, as Washington sought Beijing's support in its "war on terror," the Chinese government linked Xinjiang unrest to Islamist groups overseas, successfully Islamic Movement of East Turkestan (ETIM) a terrorist organization. organized by the United States.
This is despite the limited data available at the time on ETIM or evidence supporting Beijing's claims that some openly doubted its very existence as a coherent group.
Ethnic disorders
Even though the authorities were focused on Islamic terrorism, the biggest unrest in Xinjiang in recent years seemed to have nothing to do with religion.
A mass demonstration that erupted after the police crackdown on a smaller demonstration escalated in July 2009 and saw the rioters unleash themselves in Urumqi armed with clubs, knives and stones.
They attacked at random and, in many cases, beat to death all Han Chinese found in the streets, including women and the elderly, and set fire to cars, homes and shops.
According to the official Chinese media, it took about 20,000 paramilitary policemen and soldiers of the People's Liberation Army to quell the unrest. At least 197 Han and the Uighurs were killed.
Internet access to all of Xinjiang, as well as international telephone and text messaging services, were shut down for almost a year as a result of the violence.
Since the violence of 2009 – which took place shortly after the unrest in Tibet – restrictions on the lives of ordinary Uighurs in Xinjiang have multiplied, even as the number of criticisms and pressures for alternative policies have increased. 39 is reduced.
The region faces a multitude of problems that deserve to be debated beyond security and ethnic unrest. Xinjiang is one of the poorest regions in China and is lagging behind other parts of the country. Uighurs and other minorities complain of discrimination in employment and education, and corruption is rampant in state-controlled industries that continue to dominate the local economy.
However, more and more, any criticism of these issues – especially anything that touches on ethnic or religious issues – is presented as a plea for independence or an attempt to undermine the government.
In 2014, Ilham Tohti, a Beijing-based economics professor and considered one of Xinjiang's main moderate Chinese voices, was jailed in perpetuity for "separatism" and the spread of "ethnic hatred."
His arrest and the severity of his sentence shocked many supporters, who warned that by crushing voices such as Ilham, "the Chinese government is laying the groundwork for even extremism that" he says he wants to warn ".
This prediction has been largely confirmed, especially when the Chinese authorities have tightened the restrictions imposed on Islam to fight terrorism, including banning the wearing of the veil and the bear, by repressing groups of people. 39, study the Quran and prevent Muslim leaders from fasting for Ramadan.
Al-Qaeda and the so-called Islamic State have included Xinjiang in their propaganda in recent years, and Uyghur fighters have been spotted in Syria and Iraq.
Uighurs have also been linked to numerous terrorist attacks in Xinjiang and other parts of China, although the number of such contested incidents is linked to, or even ruled by, militant groups from overseas. sea.
No Exit
Beijing's paranoia about terrorism and separatism in Xinjiang is real and understandable.
Despite the many warnings that led to a self-fulfilling prophecy, the authorities' reaction was only to repress more severely and further restrict the lives of Muslims.
The Chinese authorities say that without a firm hand, the far west of the country may turn into another Syria, where rebel groups and Islamist militants supported by foreign powers, including the United States, have plunged the country in a civil war that has been going on for years.
This story was used to justify not only restrictions on Islam, but also the massive securing of Xinjiang, with armed armed police checkpoints across the cities, surveillance cameras everywhere and incompetent citizens. to leave the region.
This approach reached its peak last year with the extension of the network of "re-education camps", where the majority of Uyghur internees are forced to take "ideological anti-extremist" courses and their behavior, especially religious , is tightly controlled.
"The detentions are extra-legal, no legal representation is allowed throughout the process of arrest and imprisonment", according to the World Uyghur Congress, a coordination group of the Uyghur diaspora based in Germany, which recently presented evidence to the United Nations about the camps. .
While the Chinese government initially rebuffed these claims by stating that "the citizens of Xinjiang, including the Uyghurs, enjoy the equality of freedoms and rights," the apparent recognition and legalization of the camps this week, as well as intensifying the discussion in the state media, indicates that Beijing could double its policy in Xinjiang facing growing condemnation from the international community.
Washington recently found its voice in Xinjiang, where it has long been neglected abuses by Beijing. But as for US critics of Chinese media actions abroad, White House concerns may be linked to the ongoing trade war between China and the United States. . They are therefore easily dismissed in the eyes of Beijing because they are motivated and in bad faith.
This week, US lawmakers announced their intention to appoint Ilham Tohti for the Nobel Peace Prize, whose award in 2010 to Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo angered Beijing. Liu died of cancer last year while he was still under the custody of the Chinese government.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lu dismissed American criticism at a news briefing on Thursday, saying that people "had created lies and made baseless accusations against anti-corruption measures." appropriate terrorists taken by the Xinjiang authorities ".
It is also not clear how Beijing would reverse its policy at this stage. There are only a few moderate voices of Chinese people able to speak with authority from Xinjiang, and provincial officials – such as Chen Quanguo, former Tibetan Party secretary and key ally of President Xi Jinping – are extremists renowned for their ruthless repression. and their zero tolerance. .
Just as in Hong Kong, where China's brutal approach may have inspired support for independence, Beijing is facing a problem it has created, but which perversely justifies its earlier approach.
Tracing an alternative path of reconciliation and respect for human rights would require a subtlety in the treatment of dissent, which the administration of Xi has so far provided no evidence.
