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BANGKOK – Over a period of one month, U Ngar Min Swe, a pro-military editorialist, wrote 10 short Facebook posts accusing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's civil leader, of corruption and division of the country. In a message, without naming it, he suggested that she was a "prostitute crazy about power".
After the police laid charges of sedition, a judge found him guilty and sentenced him this month to seven years in prison.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi's government could have prevented the case from being tried. But for the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize and the only icon of democracy, the suppression of critics has become the hallmark of her leadership.
"If the government continues in this direction, we will never succeed in democracy and we will become a dictatorship again," said Maung Saungkha, a defender of freedom of expression who served six months in prison under the previous government.
Much of the world had high hopes for Myanmar two and a half years ago when Aung San Suu Kyi came to power.
So much has changed.
Formerly a symbol of resistance to military rule, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is known today as a facilitator of ethnic cleansing and an enemy of press freedom. The hope that she is using the majority of her party in Parliament to encourage much-needed economic growth and to abolish oppressive laws has faded.
Now, about mid-way through the five-year term of its National League for Democracy party, Myanmar is likely to become a pariah again, as it was under the rule of the generals who had previously placed it under house arrest.
"Rarely has a leader's reputation been lost so fast, so fast," concluded a recent report by the International Crisis Group based in Brussels.
Since August, Western powers and international organizations have taken significant steps to punish Myanmar for using rape, arson and killings by its army to drive more than 700,000 Rohingya Muslims out of the country. country. The United States imposed targeted sanctions, a UN mission called the generals to face charges of genocide and the judges of the International Criminal Court decided that they had the power to investigate the case.
"Before N.L.D. government, the international community took pity on our country because we lived under the military regime, "said Daw Nyo Nyo Thin, a democracy advocate and former regional legislator, referring to the party of the National League for Democracy of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi. "But now, the world sees our country as the majority killing minority."
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, 73, who has been under house arrest for 15 years under the military regime, has emerged from her isolation as a hero, in Myanmar and abroad. His party won the elections in 2015 and took office the following year. He now controls both Parliament and the Presidency.
But it is paralyzed by an army-drafted constitution that divides power between the generals and its quasi-civilian government. It also forbids the presidency, even though she has found a workaround by choose U Win Myint, a longtime ally, to serve as president and report to him.
She has earned the title of State Councilor and has also been appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. In these roles, she became known for her obstinacy and compelling style.
The Constitution gives autonomy to the commander-in-chief of the army, General Min Aung Hlaing. It appoints three ministers, who oversee the country's security forces, and one-quarter of the members of parliament, so as to block any constitutional amendment.
Some former supporters are worried about Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi's proximity to the army, known as Tatmadaw. At a recent appearance in Singapore, she stated that her relations with the army were not bad. The three generals of the cabinet, she suggested, were "rather nice".
"Suu Kyi has covered the army, and has thus sentenced the whole country to defamation, because of her stubborn certainty that she has all the answers, while it is clear that". she has few answers or ideas and almost no empathy, "said David Mathieson. , an independent political analyst based in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi rarely gives interviews to the media. His spokesman, U Zaw Htay, has not responded to repeated calls from The New York Times.
His decreasing number of defenders argued that the excessive power of the army left him with few options. But with her control of parliament and the presidency, Aung San Suu Kyi could pass legislation on a wide range of social issues that are outside the Tatmadaw's jurisdiction.
"They can enact the law of their choice," said Nyo Nyo Thin, a democracy advocate. "Our N.L.D. Parliament can abolish old laws and adopt new ones. But in only a few cases, they took action. "
According to Ms. Nyo Nyo Thin, one of the missed opportunities is the failure of the abolition of hundreds of repressive laws inherited from the time of the military dictatorship or even of British colonial rule, just like the law on official secrets, used to prosecute the two Reuters reporters. .
Advocates also say that Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has done little to create opportunities for women, who are largely relegated to a secondary role in the conservative country.
For example, there is only one woman in the cabinet: Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi herself. Women represent only 14% of the members of her party's parliament. The parliamentary committee for women's affairs is headed by a man.
"I'm not sure she believes in gender equality," said Daw Htar Htar, founder of Akhaya Women, a women's rights group.
Its detractors claim that it could do much more, even with its limited powers, to promote democracy and protect freedom of expression.
The lawsuit against Mr. Ngar Min Swe, for example, took place only after the president had agreed, U Aung Myint Judge said in his verdict.
It's also his civilian government that sued Reuters reporters. They were convicted of unlawful possession of official secrets, despite the testimony of a police officer that they had been trapped and that the documents had already been made public.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi could have ordered that charges be dropped, as she did for student protesters during her early days of euphoria. But even before the end of the journalists' trial, she declared publicly that they were guilty. In private, she called them "traitors".
Now she is under intense pressure to forgive them. The United States, Britain, the United Nations, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and 83 Myanmar civil society groups are among those who push her to do it.
"The fact that she has not yet released Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo adds to her increasingly obvious evidence of her strong authoritarian tendencies and her lack of interest in media freedom. and freedom of expression, "said Mark Farmaner, director of Burma Campaign UK, based in London.
At a forum in Vietnam this month, Aung San Suu Kyi said the journalists had been convicted for breaking the law, not for journalism. "If anyone believes that there has been a miscarriage of justice, I would like them to emphasize it, "she said.
When they were arrested, the journalists reported on the massacre of 10 Rohingya Muslims, from whom they discovered the mass grave. The victims are just a few of the countless Rohingya killed in the western state of Rakhine during the Tatmadaw's campaign of violence aimed at smuggling them into Bangladesh.
The Rohingya have long been denied fundamental rights in Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist country where most people regard them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, even though many of them have lived in the country for generations.
In last month's report calling for General Min Aung Hlaing and other commanders to be tried for genocide, a UN mission singled out Aung San Suu Kyi for failing to serve as head of government de facto or its moral authority Myanmar, in an attempt to put an end to atrocities.
Instead, according to the report, officials of his government spread false stories, denied that the army had committed a wrongdoing, monitored the destruction of evidence and blocked independent investigations, including that of the mission. United Nations.
"By their acts and omissions, the civil authorities have contributed to the commission of crimes of atrocities," concluded the 444-page report. which was presented to the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva on September 18th.
Also this month, the International Criminal Court has said it has the power to investigate the expulsion of the Rohingya as a crime against humanity. President Win Myint said that Myanmar was not obliged to respect the decision because it had not signed the treaty creating the court. But Bangladesh has signed it and the court said the crimes had continued in that country, giving it jurisdiction.
The well-known atrocities also appear to have undermined Myanmar's efforts to attract foreign direct investment, which one official said last week that it had dropped in 2016 and 2017 because of the Rohingya problem.
Some officials and analysts fear that Myanmar is moving towards the kind of isolation it has experienced during decades of absolute military rule.
"The pressure on this government is much worse than on the military government," said U Win Htein, former advisor to Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi. He added that Myanmar, recently adopted by the West as a result of a dictatorship, now relied on China and Russia to protect itself from the possible sanctions of the United Nations Security Council.
"The military government has been championed by Russia and China," said Win Htein. "Now, the irony is that this government is protected by Russia and China."
Saw Nang contributed to the New York report.
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