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Pakistanis will vote Wednesday in national elections that have been clouded by acrimony and violence. A series of suicide bombings caused dozens of deaths at campaign rallies. Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his daughter Maryam were sidelined by corruption convictions politically judged by many Pakistanis, while activists warned that a host of candidates were being forced to change party. In the midst of chaos, a flurry of extremist Islamist candidates has entered the field, a worrying sign of the country's political drift.
Election preparation was defined by "flagrant, aggressive and flawless attempts to manipulate" the outcome, said the Independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.
The apparent beneficiary of much of these efforts was the once marginal party of Imran Khan, a dashing cricket star turned nationalist politician. And the hidden power that seems to pave the way for Khan's victory is the Pakistani army
The senior ranking of the country have a long history of intervention in Pakistani democracy . The generals of Pakistan have ruled the nation many times over the past seven decades; when they are not openly in power, they exert a disproportionate control over foreign policy, the economy and local politics. The ISI, the wing of the secret and influential army, continues to maintain links with activists abroad while stifling civil society in his country. And although this election marks the third consecutive transition of power from one civilian government to another – a success story by Pakistani standards – it has fingerprints of military interference everywhere.
The hand of the army is visible in the judicial system that went after Sharif, who now languishes in prison with his daughter. It is also seen in the headlines of major Pakistani media, including respected daily Dawn and independent broadcaster Geo TV. In recent weeks, as Sharif's party was organizing mass gatherings in Punjab province, home to more than half of the country's population, Pakistanis have had to turn to social media to find images of the country's population. ;event. rallied behind Khan, 62 years old. The former charismatic and educated Oxford playboy has been transformed into a nationalist pious since he entered politics, denouncing the "toxicity" of the West and the decadent detachment of his rivals. He sees both Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League N and Pakistan's center-left People's Party Benazir Bhutto as corrupt and dynastic factions that divert the wealth of the nation
just as the Indian Narendra Modi or the Turkish Recep Tayyip Erdogan. exasperation of the conservative middle classes of the country and drives his anger against the secular elites.
"Liberals are thirsty for blood. They have absolutely no idea, "Khan told British journalist Ben Judah earlier this year." They are sitting in the living room. They read English language newspapers that do not look like real Pakistan at all. I promise you, they would be lost in our villages. "
But even with the scales now tilted in his favor, Khan is not shoo-in .The PPP should reasonably be held in the native province of Bhutto, Sindh." Sharif – and the persistent feeling that the military is still calling the projectiles – has galvanized support for his party, especially in his home country, the Punjab, if the Khan Movement for Justice party is left with a majority of seats in Parliament, he will have to reverse the dynamics of Sharif there.
From anyway, many Pa Kistanis are waiting for acrimonious consequences. "All but one overwhelming victory on both sides may be tainted with allegations of fraud and the fight for control of the government," reported my colleagues, "distracting the attention of a failing economy, an impending debt crisis and include US attempts to end the war in neighboring Afghanistan. "
Nearly 400,000 soldiers will be deployed in polling stations to prevent terrorist attacks, but this raised even more suspicions. "Such a show of force worries those who believe the army is trying to manipulate the elections, a belief reinforced by recent reports that candidates from the Pakistan Muslim League and the Pakistan People's Party have been harassed by the forces. Husey Haqqani, a former Pakistani diplomat who is now living in Washington, told Today's WorldView that the army's ability to fully control Pakistan's civilian leadership has faded. " I, the army panic, "he said.Their attempts to regain power can create more havoc.
" There is a higher probability than in the past that this could lead to political crisis that makes governance virtually impossible, "Moeed Yusuf, expert in South Asia"
Beyond the preservation of its vast economic interests, the military leadership sees itself as the guardian of the nation, still defined by its birth in the bloody partition of the Indian subcontinent. "They have been convinced for years that India is an eternal enemy and that they are the only saviors in the country," said Haqqani, a virulent critic of the army who now lives in exile. de facto. "They still have this general suspicion of civilians."
Many analysts argue that this vision of Pakistan – and the role of the military in this country – leaves the country in a permanent cycle of political turmoil and economic stagnation. All the while, Pakistan is becoming more and more indebted to Chinese interests and indebted to investment and infrastructure projects run by Chinese state-owned companies – not really a healthy state of affairs for his democracy.
Sharif, formerly anointed candidate of the army, is by no means an exemplary democrat. But his party's success in this election would raise new headaches for senior officials, including releasing him from prison. Cyril Almeida, a prominent Pakistani columnist, suspects the army of finding a new accommodation to his satisfaction regardless of the outcome.
"A section of the public and politics was prepared to strongly encourage [Sharif’s] incarceration, the part of the people and politics that can lean against incarceration can be drowned, and the few Outdated and democratic types that remain can be easily removed, "writes Almeida in Dawn, and if public opinion forces Sharif's release?" Well, then make a deal with him, release him and start the cycle again. The heads they win, the tails loses everyone. "
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