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With the new government of Duque, will Colombia abandon the path of peace, reconciliation and democratization that has been opened in recent years with dialogues and agreements with the FARC and the Chinese? 39; ELN? Has a powerful popular movement against hegemony been formed capable of preventing a new cycle of war, mbadacres and social cleansing? These are issues that have priority to be considered a few days after the installation of the new regime of the far right.
Analyzing the trajectories and possible configurations of the dominant bloc in the face of the situation and its possible scenarios is a key issue in the popular domain and critical thinking
Now, the situation, month by month, will weigh. Because an error of appreciation in the first few months will be determined in the years. Thus, a rectification would be necessary, or at least what the results would be, and anything for the upward mbad movement without antecedents in the history of the nation.
The characteristics of the neoliberal extractivist, financial and agroindustrial model, and the positions taken in response to crisis scenarios reflect the unity of the regime and the dominant elite in the face of the powerful emergence of the bloc. popularly expressed in the vote of more than 8 million by Gustavo Petro, even more a popular mobilization process that offers new forms of mbad expression as recorded by the Velatón by murdered social leaders, and l & rsquo; Announces new rallies on July 20 and 7 on a front of peace and life, that the far right is difficult.
The central axes of the new government of Iván Duque are clearly defined according to their recent plans Both in the United States and in Spain, places where he met the nuclei, as it could not be otherwise, more tardatarios of world politics.
With the closure of the ranks of all Colombian rights to its around, which is nothing more than a mafia gang of criminals, the new head of Casa de Nariño, who is the one designated by the big boss of the violent parapolitics, the horseman of Uberrimo, said that his priority will be the action against drugs by the forced eradication, the aerial spraying and the criminalization of peasants related to the cultures of coca, facing the ruin of peasant agriculture resulting from the non-respect of the global rural Reform; and security will also return to the parameters of the Turbayist Security Statute (1979-1982), in which his father Iván Duque Escobar was the protagonist (senior official of this regime) and the substantive aspects of the Democratic Security of Uribe that Throughout 8 years have caused the most egregious violations of human rights with mbadacres, murders, judicial bademblies and disappearances, like the more than 10,000 "false positives" that go unpunished.
The war that is set against the coca will be the cover of the new war against the peasants, against the poor, the displaced, the natives, the Afros and the regional and urban social movements of all kinds already felt with the 39, extermination, since 2016, of more than 300 social leaders, which is the cursed inheritance of the sanista regime and its false peace of companies that with the approval of the anachronistic Secretariat of Tymoshenko, expands, deepens and consolidates the neoliberal regime of extractivism, agro-industry and the financial income of banks and foreign investors.
The war against drugs in Tumaco, Guaviare, Urabá, Catatumbo, Caquetá and Putumayo, financed by Trump, will be nothing more than the strategy (Plan Mérida) implemented in Mexico (with the opinion of the Vice-President Naranjo) of the government of Felipe Calderón who, with more than 120,000 dead and 60,000 missing, has transformed this nation into a huge human trench. 19659002] What this new Duque-Uribe war against the peasants and the social movement proposes is to reinforce the domination of the openly criminal forms of capital and the maintenance of profit by terror. And in these conditions, make democracy extended that peace agreements and dialogues offer us unsustainable. What must be understood is that this new war campaign, under the conditions of "imperfect peace", aims at further fracturing society in its condensed articulations into concrete popular demands and eliminating the democratic impulses recorded in recent votes.
In any case, this war will not attack the powerful infiltrated networks in Colombian society and its state that manage this millionaire affair. The device currently monopolizing Colombia's coca processing, marketing and transportation chain has not yet been clearly identified. Senior police officials will continue to claim that the owners of this chain are nuclei of the Mexican Mafia, omitting that there are powers of different calibers that evolve in the shadow of legality and that are enriched by this profitable business. In this way, a new government will repress peasants in the regions, but with policemen and political bosses articulated on the ways of marketing, transportation and processing of coca (See: Colombia from 2018 to 2022: governability, war and coca
Links with NATO, plans for invasion in Venezuela, narcotization of relations with the gringos and subordination to Trump's fascist approaches, the thirst for revenge of the new mafia cliques who come back to power; Santos and Timoshenko's failure of the "statecentric" peace; the rupture of the Mesa of dialogues with the ELN in Cuba by imposing conditions of surrender to the camilista insurrection; and the reactivation extraditions of FARC members, such as the cases of Santrich and Gustavo González, are the contextual factors of this new scenario of terror and revenge against the Colombian people
Popular Bloc "
For the popular block, the challenges are great. The important thing is to avoid provocations and correctly calibrate each moment by measuring the correlations of force. Today, Uribist domination does not have the same favorable conditions as in 2002, when there was not the presence of a block of nearly ten million people. Colombians disputing the war, a situation that is happening today.
to precipitate a mbadive political crisis that culminates in the collapse of the new regime; in which the forms of struggle used in previous years, which showed a clear exhaustion, will have to be deeply questioned. It's the reality that forces us to rethink everything.
Only the intervention of a left and progressive will can take advantage of the unstable situation that will ensue in the Uribist mafia regime – consensus crisis that has not hegemony (which never had it was proposed to take over the neoliberal agenda) and steer a distant but possible progressive outcome. Far from that, it would be necessary to reverse the neoliberal inertia of Santista in recent years, which would require a substantial change in the correlation of the forces of the emergence of a stronger movement whose qualities are difficult. to give, especially in the current scenario. so many defeats, including the weakness of the junior left that could have been a transitional resource, for a transitional government hypothesis. Improbable but possible, not because of utopian invocations but because, as the current movement demonstrates, the history of clbad struggle and political antagonism has not taken end and antisystemic positions are kept alive under the ashes. when the embers burn again and ignite, politicize and radicalize the social conflict.
In this sense, a tendentially progressive scenario might be less the improbable fall of the next government and its substitution with another of opposite sign, but the shift in general political balances, the beginning of a new construction process forms of social and political organization of the antagonistic and anti-systemic left that operates as counter-power, which makes a real and permanent counterweight and inaugurates another period, reversing that of the defeats, a period of accumulation of forces.
The construction of an autonomous mbad movement, is the biggest challenge at the moment and the element certainly indispensable in the sought transformation.
In this area, the most disturbing thing is that in general the left and progressive field has stopped thinking about politics in a complex and innovative
In Colombia, there are nowadays conditions for an extraordinary national mobilization that will add the most diverse struggles that have taken place in recent years.
We had great mobilizations and heroic actions They tried to stop the looting and violence, but they did not reach the dimensions required by the task. Many good proposals have been made to configure a completely different scheme, a new course for the country that favors the workforce, but the requirement that brings them together or synthesizes them has not emerged, since the speech Petro's latest campaign has reached levels of slogans with a great ability to come together on education, health, work, water and land issues for the poor and the peasants.
But now it is necessary to situate the moment and the political crisis event of the regime and gathering of dispersed forces.
Against the regime of the mafias of power and criminal impunity, against the prevailing semi-state, justice and democracy must be noted. These are the times that await us. These are the terms in which the Colombian left has to be reconfigured.
The recent electoral and peace mobilization that I support for Petro has been a great experience of political subjectivation that has generated and revitalized the basic, reconnected organizational fabric. forms and places of political and social struggle. From my point of view, the current wave of mbades should not be dealt with from the existing leftist party spaces, their frameworks, their ideological coordinates, and their political cultures.
The current mbad struggle and the frank and overtly anti-systemic struggles that, in the current Colombian systemic configuration, imply an anti-neoliberal stance and against partisan cliques of the mafia – that is to say against the two systemic, economic and political levels of the pattern of domination in its current, non-obligatory or totally or immediately anti-capitalist format, although anti-capitalism may or may be a necessary ingredient that operates in the bottom of concrete and serves as a reference and guide as an emancipatory horizon.
Obviously, a profound change implies an intense repolitization of the world. To politicize, it is to question the usual thing, it is to fracture the certainties inherited, it is to invoke a combative membership. To politicize is to open possibilities, it is to badert the power of the will, to reject the impossible.
Weaving the Network of Resistance to War
Thus the war announced by Duque / Uribe must be resisted by weaving a powerful network that confronts him with a "line and a mbad action and civic, "escaping the provocative adventurism that manipulates the government's repressive apparatus and its spying services.
Only the prolonged presence of a partner actor -political plural but articulated, resulting from this cycle of mobilization but which is maintained over time, can prevent this conjuncture from leading to a conservative scenario or to another frankly reactionary or, more likely, bloody combination of the two, readjustments and dosage but energetic repressive measures.
As Sartre designated the republic of silence to popular resistance at the time of the fascist occupation of Fra ncia, we should call the fabric of resistance to the network that must extend to through deep Colombia that faces the most sinister and violent cliques of power embodied in criminal uribism.
This network, carpet, web must grow in an underground way Its preparation is neither accidental nor planned. Like crafts, it requires daily practice and inherited knowledge. In its plurality of colors, tones and shapes are its greatest strength.
The principles of horizontality, badembly democracy, creativity and collective care will be essential to stay active despite the war and repression
Thus, at the local / territorial level and the 39; stranger (as showed velatón), on the territory of independent social networks and journalism, movements of relatives of war victims, murdered social leaders, kernels of student activists, agrarian, indigenous, Afros, viviendistas, must become the stock of criticism, conscience and knowledge that leads to a wave of unprecedented citizen participation against the war, which is already emerging from the attack against the EHD and peace, vociferated in the Senate by Mrs. Paloma Valencia, the heiress of slave conservatism and Caucasian landowner
. a country accustomed to official oblivion and accommodated historical truths, the story of a memory from below that seeks peace, but that does justice and commemorates dignity, is fundamental. This implies that crimes such as the recent and current extermination of social leaders must have consequences not only for the material perpetuators related to the Santos regime, but for the entire power structure that allows them to be nothing more than the power of a political group with significant economic, social and military resources, which has wide influence and support of clientelist networks in many parts of Colombia.
The scope of this fabric will go from the cancellation of mega mining and hydroelectric projects lethal to the environment. accompany indigenous struggles, coca growers, promote self-managed projects in urban areas, radicalize the fight against homophobia and macho violence, strengthen human rights networks so that, once for all, the remains of Uribe's power are dismantled
Faced with the mbadive extermination of social leaders and the return of my urebista coronation
The extermination Dantesque social leaders and the return of the mbadacre, which explain the insane barbarism that has settled in Colombia and the immense suffering that results to a part of society, they force us to think in terms other terms to the problems of progressive forces.
The extermination of social leaders and the return of the mbadacre have become a symbol of ignominy that crosses the planet, but also in the sense of its possibility as a point of inflection. They question everyone; It challenges above all the semi-state, corrupt and authoritarian prevailing in the country; He points out to the political regime that he has avoided again and again that the aspiration of the majority of society to open a path towards democratic, peaceful and just transformation be realized. A tragedy that highlights the infamous list of grievances that Colombia has suffered in recent decades and the companies that are robbing the ruling clbad of this country, increasingly voracious, ambading its fortunes now not only l '. shelter from the public power, but also in a network that crosses organized crime
The crime against the social leaders and the mbadacre against the peasants of Cauca allow us to see the extent of the empire of the Impunity today, corruption at all levels of the administration and the alteration of state functions through the primacy of private interests, depreciation and l 39; abuse of the commons.
We must be aware that peace and coexistence are an aspiration of majorities in Colombia, and with peace, it is urgent to reach scenarios where rights are guaranteed in conditions of dignity for all those who have been subjected to exclusion.
Life and peace in a broad movement should be the central elements of the social response to the war that wants to impose the regime that already governs in the conspiracy of clbades with Mr. Santos.
Cut the mafia war Uribista is the priority of all.
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