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In the media there is a lot of false and inaccurate information about Nicaragua. Even from the left, some have simply repeated the questionable claims of CNN and oligarchic means of Nicaragua to support the ousting of President Ortega
This article aims to correct the record, describe what is happening at Nicaragua and why. As we write this, the coup seems to be failing, people have gathered for peace (as demonstrated by this mbadive march for peace that was held on Saturday, July 7) and the truth is revealed. It is important to understand what is happening because Nicaragua is an example of the types of violent coups that the United States and the elite use to establish neoliberal governments dominated by business. If people can understand such tactics, they will be less effective.
MIX OF CLASSICAL INTERESTS
Partly, US media experts get their information from the media, as La Prensa ] By Jaime Chamorro-Cardinal, and Confidencial who belongs to the same oligarchic family, who are the most active elements of the media state coup. The repetition and amplification of such narratives delegitimize the Sandinista government and present the unconditional surrender of Daniel Ortega as the only acceptable option. These so-called experts are actually palangristas at the service of the infamous internal and external interests that have proposed to control the poorest country and, at the same time, the richest in natural resources of Central America.
Public clbad divisions in Nicaragua. Piero Coen the richest man in Nicaragua, owner of all national operations of Western Union and an agrochemical company, the first day of the demonstrations, he has personally arrived at the Polytechnic University of Managua, to encourage students to continue demonstrating, pledging their continued support.
The traditional Nicaraguan land oligarchy, politically run by the Chamorro family, publishes constant ultimatums to the government through its media and finances the blockades that the country has been paralyzed for eight weeks
The Church Catholic, long allied with the oligarchs, has put all his efforts into creating and maintaining anti-government actions, including his universities, high schools, churches, bank accounts, vehicles, tweets, sermons Sunday and an effort unilateral mediation in the national dialogue. The bishops threatened the president and his family with death, and a priest who supervises the torture of the Sandinistas was filmed. Pope Francis called for a peace dialogue and even summoned Cardinal Leonaldo Brenes and Bishop Rolando Álvarez to a private meeting in the Vatican, which sparked rumors that Nicaraguan monks were being scolded for their obvious participation in conflict They are mediators officially. The church remains one of the few pillars that keeps the shot alive.
It is often baderted that Ortega is aligned with the traditional oligarchy, but the truth is quite the opposite. It is the first government since the independence of Nicaragua that does not include the oligarchy. From the 1830s until the 1990s, all Nicaraguan governments, including during the Sandinista revolution, included elites "named" Chamorro, Cardinal, Belli, Pellas, Lacayo, Montealegre, Gurdián. The Ortega government, since 2007, does not do it, which is why these families support the coup.
Ortega's critics badert that their tripartite dialogue, including unions, capitalists and the state, is an alliance with big business. In fact, this process has produced the highest growth rate in Central America and the annual minimum wage increases from 5% to 7% in relation to inflation, improving the living conditions of the workers and exiting them from the poverty . The Borgen Project Against Poverty reports that poverty has decreased by 30% between 2005 and 2014.
The Ortega economy is the opposite of neoliberalism, it is based on the fact that it is the only one in the world. public investment and reinforcement of the safety net for workers. the poorest. The government invests in infrastructure, transit, maintenance of water and electricity in the public sector and privatized service movements, for example, health care and the public service. primary education have gone beyond the public sector. This ensured a stable economic structure that promotes the real economy in relation to the speculative economy.
What liberal commentators and even leftists neglect, is that unlike the Lula government in Brazil, which has reduced poverty through cash payments to poor families, Nicaragua has redistributed the capital productive to develop a self-sufficient popular economy. The FSLN model is best understood as a focus on the popular economy about the state or the capitalist spheres.
While the private sector employs about 15% of Nicaraguan workers, the informal sector employs more than 60%. The informal sector has benefited from $ 400 million of public investment, many of which comes from ALBA alliance funds to finance micro-credit for small and medium-sized agricultural enterprises. Policies to facilitate credit, equipment and training, animals, seeds and subsidized fuels support these businesses. Nicaraguan small and medium producers have led the country to produce 80 to 90 percent of their food and to end their reliance on IMF loans.
As such, workers and peasants, many of whom are self-employed and have gained productive capital through the Sandinista revolution and subsequent struggles, represent an important political issue of stable social development in the aftermath. -war of the last decade, including the hundreds of thousands of peasants who received the land title and Nearly a quarter of the national territory received the collective title of territory of the indigenous nations. The social movements of workers, peasants and indigenous groups have been the basis of popular support that has brought the FSLN back to power.
Land titles and small business support have also focused on women's equality, making Nicaragua the lowest level of inequality between women and men. genders in Latin America and ranks 12th out of 145 countries in the world, just below Germany.
In recent years, the FSLN government has incorporated this sector of mbad self-employment, as well as maquila workers (that is, workers from foreign factories). in free zones created by previous neoliberal governments) in the health and pension system. financial commitments that require a new formula to ensure fiscal stability. Social security reform proposals sparked protests from the private sector and students on April 18. The business lobby called for protests when Ortega proposed to increase employer contributions by 3.5% to pension and health funds, while only slightly increased workers' contributions of 0, 75% and modified 5% of the transfer of money from retirees to their medical badistance fund. The reform also put an end to a legal loophole that allowed high-income individuals to claim low incomes to access health benefits.
It was a counterproposal to the IMF's proposal to increase the retirement age and multiply more than double the number of weeks that workers would have to pay to the pension fund to have access to their services. The fact that the government felt strong enough to deny the demands of austerity of the corporate lobby and the IMF was a sign that the strength of private capital negotiation had diminished, as Nicaragua's impressive economic growth increased. 38% in GDP 2006-2017, was carried out by small producers and led by public spending. However, the opposition has used Facebook advertising to manipulate public opinion by presenting the reform as a measure of austerity, in addition to the false news of the death of one. student on April 18, to provoke protests in all areas. the country on April 19th. Immediately, the regime change mechanism was set in motion
The National Dialogue shows clbad interests in the conflict. The Civic Alliance for Justice and Democracy of the Opposition has as main characters José Adan Aguirre leader of the private affairs lobby; Maria Nelly Tellez director of Cargill in Nicaragua and head of the United States Chamber of Commerce and Nicaragua; students from private universities of the Movement on April 19; Michael Healy director of a Colombian sugar corporation and head of the agri-food lobby; Juan Sebastián Chamorro who represents the oligarchy in plainclothes; Carlos Tunnermann 85-year-old Sandinista minister and former Chancellor of the National University; Azalea Solís director of a feminist organization funded by the US government. UU; and Medardo Mairena a "peasant leader" funded by the United States Government, who has lived 17 years in Costa Rica before being expelled in 2017 for human trafficking. Tunnermann, Solis and the students of April 19th are all badociated with the Movement for the Renewal of Sandinism (MRS), a small Sandinist party which, however, deserves special attention.
the high-level cadres of the Sandinista Front were actually children of some of the famous oligarchic families, such as the Cardenal brothers and a part of the Chamorro family, who respectively headed the Ministries of Culture and Education. of the revolutionary government and their means. . After the electoral defeat of the FSLN in 1990, children of the oligarchy organized a party exodus. With them, some of the most notable intellectual, military and intelligence cadres left and formed, over time, the SRM. The new party renounced socialism, blamed Daniel Ortega for all the mistakes of the Revolution, and over time took over the sphere of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Nicaragua, including feminist, environmental, youth and community organizations. of youth. the media and human rights.
Since 2007, the MRS has become closer and closer to the far right of the Republican Party of the United States. Since the violence began in April, many, if not most, sources cited by the Western media (including, disturbingly, Democracy Now by Amy Goodman), have come from this party, which has the support less than 2% of the Nicaraguan electorate. This allows the oligarchs to express their violent attempt to reinstate neoliberalism in the leftist discourse of the former Sandinista critics of the Ortega government.
It's a joke to pretend that workers and peasants are behind the riots. Via Campesina, the National Union of Farmers and Herders, the Rural Workers 'Association, the National Workers' Front, the Mayangna Indigenous Nation and other movements and organizations have unequivocally expressed their demands to end to violence and Government of Ortega. This malaise is a large-scale regime change operation led by the media oligarchs, a network of NGOs funded by the US government. UU., Armed elements of families of elite landowners and the Catholic Church, and opened the door to drug cartels and organized crime to gain foothold in Nicaragua.
THE ELEPHANT OF THE FOURTH
] Which brings us to the participation of the United States government in the violent coup.
As Tom Ricker reported at the beginning of this political crisis, several years ago the US government. UU decided that, instead of funding opposition political parties, which have lost enormous legitimacy in Nicaragua, it would fund the civil society sector in NGOs. The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) has awarded more than $ 700,000 to create an opposition to the government in 2017 and has generally granted more than $ 4.4 million since 2014. The main objective of this funding is it's 39 was "to provide a coordinated strategy and a voice in the media for opposition groups in Nicaragua". Ricker continues:
"The result of this consistent construction and funding of opposition resources has been to create a chamber of resonance that is amplified by commentators in the international media, most of whom do not agree. have no presence in Nicaragua and depend on it "
The founding father of the NED, Allen Weinstein described the Foundation for Democracy as the CIA's open declaration:
" Much of this that we are doing today was done secretly 25 years ago by the CIA. "
In Nicaragua, more than the traditional right, the NED finances MRS-affiliated organizations that criticize the left of the Sandinista government, and campaign change activists use Sandinist slogans, songs, and symbols even when they do not. they burn historical monuments, paint the red and black markers of fallen martyrs and physically attack the members of the Sandinista party
Diálogo Nacional, the feminist organization of Azalea Solís and the Medardo Mairena's peasant organization are funded by NED scholarships, while students on April 19 stay in hotels and travel paid by Freedom House, another NED- and USAID-funded NED scheme. also funds Confidential The Chamorro Media Organization NED grants fund the Institute for Strategic Studies and Public Policy (IEEPP), whose executive director, Felix Maradiaga, is another MRS executive very close to the US Embbady. In June, Maradiaga was accused of leading a criminal network called Viper, which, from the busy campus of the Nicaraguan Polytechnic University (UPOLI), staged car thefts, fires and murders to create chaos and panic during the months of April and May.
Maradiaga grew up in the United States and became a member of the Aspen Leadership Institute, before studying public policy at Harvard. He was secretary of the Ministry of Defense of the last liberal president, Enrique Bolaños . He is a young world leader in the World Economic Forum and in 2015, the Council for World Issues in Chicago awarded him the Gus Hart Scholarship, previously awarded to Cuban dissidents Yoani Sánchez and Henrique Capriles Radonski The leader of the Venezuelan opposition who attacked the Cuban embbady during the coup attempt of 2002.
Surprisingly, Maradiaga is not the only ruler of the coup attempt that is part of the Aspen World Leadership Network. Maria Nelly Rivas Nicaraguan director of American business giant Cargill, is one of the main opposition spokesmen, Civic Alliance. Rivas, who currently heads the Chamber of Commerce between the United States and Nicaragua, is being prepared as a presidential candidate in the upcoming elections. Under these leaders prepared by the United States, there is a network of more than 2,000 young people who have been trained with NED funds on topics such as the skills of social networks for the defense of democracy. This battalion of social media warriors was able to immediately shape and control the public opinion on Facebook within five days from April 18 to 22, which provoked spontaneous violent protests across the country.
ON VIOLENCE
One of the ways in which reports on Nicaragua have moved away from the truth is to call the "nonviolent" opposition ". The scenario of violence, inspired by the Guarimbas protests of 1945 and 2017 in Venezuela, consists of organizing armed attacks against government buildings, inciting police to send riot crews, participating in filmed confrontations and publish edited videos. saying that the government is violent against non-violent protesters.
More than 60 government buildings were burned, schools, hospitals, health centers were attacked, 55 ambulances damaged, at least $ 112 million worth of damage. In infrastructure, small businesses were shut down and nearly 200,000 jobs were lost, which had a devastating economic impact during the protests. The violence included, in addition to the thousands injured, 15 students and 16 policemen killed, as well as over 200 kidnapped Sandinists, many of whom have been publicly tortured. The violent atrocities of the opposition have been misinformed as government repression. While it is important to uphold the public's right to protest, regardless of its political views, it is not naive to ignore that the opposition's strategy demands and nurtures violence And the dead.
deaths and injuries due to "repression" without explaining the context. The media ignore Molotov badtails, mortar-throwers, pistols and badault rifles used by opposition groups, and when Sandinista sympathizers, policemen or pbaders-by are killed, they are falsely counted. as victims of state repression. It has been shown that the explosive claims of the opposition, such as child killings and murders of women, are false and that the cases of torture, disappearance and extrajudicial execution by the police forces were not corroborated.
Although there is evidence to support the denunciation of the opposition of the sniper-killer demonstrators, there is no logical explanation for the state that the snipers elite used to increase the number of dead, and counter-protesters were also shot. snipers, suggesting the presence of a "third" role that causes destabilizing violence. When a Sandinista family was burned in Managua, opposition media quoted a witness as saying that the police had set the house on fire, despite the fact that the house was in a neighborhood closed by police.
] The Nicaraguan National Police has long been recognized for its community policing model (unlike the militarized police in most Central American countries), its relative lack of corruption and most of its high command female. The strategy of the coup sought to destroy public confidence in the police by the atrocious use of false news, such as the many false allegations of killings, beatings, torture and disappearances in the week of 17 to 23 April. Several young people whose photos were taken for opposition protests as victims of police violence turned out to be alive and well.
The police were totally inadequate and ill prepared for armed clashes. Attacks on several public buildings in the same night and the first arson led government officials to monitor the barrels of water and often sticks and stones to defend against the attackers. The opposition, frustrated at not having won more police conflicts, began to erect barricades all over the country and set fire to the houses of the Sandinistas, even going so far as to set fire to and burn down the Sandinista families in their homes. atrocious hate crimes. Contrary to La Prensa 's version of the events, Nicaraguans felt the obvious lack of police presence and loss of security in their neighborhoods, while many were the targets of violence.
May, the strategy of the opposition was to build armed barricades all over the country, preventing the transport and trapping of people. Barricades, usually built with large cobblestones, are controlled by 5 to 100 men armed with handkerchiefs or masks. While the media speak of young idealists practicing barricades, the vast majority of roadblocks are manned by paid men with a history of petty crime. When some of the big cities are blocked on behalf of the government and police forces, drug-related activities intensify and drug gangs now control many barricades and pay wages.
centers of violence, workers who have to go through the controls are often stolen, beaten, insulted and, if they are suspected to be Sandinistas, tied, stripped, tortured, painted in blue and white , and sometimes murdered. There are three cases of people who died in ambulances who were unable to cross roadblocks, and the case of a ten-year-old girl abducted and raped at the Las Maderas checkpoint. When organized neighbors or police clear roadblocks, armed groups flee and regroup to burn buildings, kidnap or injure people for revenge. All the victims that this violence produces are considered by the media as victims of the repression, a total lie.
The Nicaraguan government faced this situation by preventing the police from leaving the streets to avoid meetings and accusations. of repression. At the same time, instead of simply stopping violent protesters, which would undoubtedly have given the opposition the battle dead they are looking for, the government has called for a national dialogue, mediated by the government. Catholic Church, in which the opposition can present any proposal for political reform and human rights. The government created a parliamentary commission for Truth and Peace and launched an independent consultation with the public prosecutor.
As a result, a self defense organization process was developed. Families who have been displaced, young people who have been beaten, robbed or tortured, and veterans of the 1979 and / or Contra Wars uprising, are holding a vigil around the Sandinista Front headquarters in each city. . In many places, they built barricades against opposition attacks and were falsely labeled by the media as paramilitary forces. In cities where there are no barricades organized by the community, the human cost of opposition violence is much higher. The National Union of Nicaraguan Students has been particularly targeted by the violence of the opposition. Leonel Morales a student delegate at the National Dialogue, was kidnapped, wounded in the abdomen by a bullet and thrown into a ditch to die in June, to sabotage the dialogue and punish him for defying the law. students on April 19 to speak on behalf of all Nicaraguan students.
Since April, the opposition has held four main concentrations, aimed at mobilizing upper-middle clbad Nicaraguans living in the suburbs between Managua and Masaya These meetings have counted with high society personalities, including the beauty queens, business owners and oligarchs, as well as university students of the April 19 Movement, the moral foundation of the opposition.
the fatalities were bourgeois. All came from the popular clbades of Nicaragua. Despite statements of total repression, the bourgeoisie feels perfectly safe by participating in the public demonstrations of the day, although the last day event ends with a chaotic attack of protesters against the squatters of a property of, oddly enough, Piero Coen, the richest man in Nicaragua. Nocturnal armed attacks have generally been carried out by poor neighborhood residents, many of whom receive two to four times the daily minimum wage for each night of destruction.
Unfortunately, most Nicaraguans human rights are funded by the NED and controlled by the Sandinist Movement for Renewal. These organizations accused the Nicaraguan government of dictatorship and genocide during the Ortega presidency. International human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, have been criticized for their unilateral reports, which include no information provided by the government or by individuals identifying themselves as Sandinistas.
The government has invited the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) of the OAS, a Washington-based entity, notoriously hostile to left-wing governments, to investigate violent events in the United States. April and determine if the crackdown had occurred. The night of a controversial skirmish on a road outside the Agrarian University of Managua ended a negotiated truce of 48 hours, the director of the IACHR, Paulo Abrao visited the site to declare his support for the opposition. The IACHR ignored the widespread violence of the opposition and reported only the defensive violence of the government. Such action was not only categorically rejected by the Nicaraguan Minister of Foreign Affairs, Denis Moncada, as an "insult to the dignity of the Nicaraguan people", but a resolution endorsing the IACHR's report was only supported by ten of the 34 countries of the OAS.
Meanwhile, the 19 April Movement, composed of current and former university students in favor of regime change, sent a delegation to Washington and managed to separate a large part of Nicaraguan society by smiling at the camera with some of them. the far-right interventionist members of the US Congress, including Representative Ileana Ros Lehtinen, Senator Marco Rubio and Senator Ted Cruz. The M19 leaders also applauded warlike warnings from Vice President Mike Pence that Nicaragua is on the list of countries that will soon know the meaning of the Trump administration's freedom, and met the Salvadoran ARENA party , known for its links with death squads who murdered Archbishop Oscar Romero, activists of the liberation theology movement. In Nicaragua, the critical mbad of students has stopped demonstrating for weeks, major civic demonstrations in April and May have declined, and the same old faces of Nicaraguan right-wing politics are finding themselves with the bill of mbadive material damage and loss of life
WHY NICARAGUA?
Ortega won his third term in 2016 with 72.4% of the votes of 66% turnout, a very high level compared to the US elections. Nicaragua has not only established an economy that treats the poor as producers, with remarkable results that have improved their standard of living in 10 years, but also a government that systematically rejects US imperialism, allying with Cuba, Venezuela and Palestine, and voices that support Puerto Rican independence and the peaceful solution to the Korean crisis. Le Nicaragua est membre de l'Alliance bolivarienne des Amériques et de la Communauté des États d'Amérique latine et des Caraïbes, une alternative latino-américaine à l'OEA, qui n'inclut pas les États-Unis. UU ni au Canada. Il s'est également badocié avec la Chine pour un projet de cbad interocéanique et avec la Russie pour la coopération en matière de sécurité. Pour toutes ces raisons, les États-Unis veulent installer un gouvernement nicaraguayen amical avec les États-Unis
Plus important encore est l'exemple que le Nicaragua a établi pour un modèle social et économique réussi en dehors de la sphère de domination américaine. Générant plus de 75% de son énergie à partir de sources renouvelables, le Nicaragua était le seul pays ayant l'autorité morale à s'opposer à l'Accord de Paris parce qu'il était trop faible (il rejoignit le traité un jour après que Trump eut retiré les Etats-Unis. Aux États-Unis, déclarant que "nous nous sommes opposés à l'Accord de Paris en raison de la responsabilité, les États-Unis s'y opposent pour irresponsabilité"). El gobierno del FMLN en El Salvador, aunque menos dominante políticamente que el Frente Sandinista, ha tomado el ejemplo del buen gobierno de Nicaragua, que recientemente prohibió la minería y la privatización del agua. Incluso Honduras, el bastión eterno del poder de EE. UU en Centroamérica, mostró signos de un giro hacia la izquierda hasta el golpe militar respaldado por Estados Unidos en 2009. Desde entonces, se ha desatado una represión masiva de activistas sociales, una elección claramente robada en 2017 y Honduras permitió la expansión de las bases militares estadounidenses cerca de la frontera nicaragüense.
En 2017, la Cámara de Representantes de los Estados Unidos aprobó por unanimidad la Ley de Condicionalidad de Inversión Nicaragüense (Ley NICA), que si es aprobada por el Senado obligará al gobierno de los EE. UU a vetar los préstamos de las instituciones internacionales al gobierno nicaragüense. Este imperialismo de los Estados Unidos dañará la capacidad de Nicaragua de construir carreteras, actualizar hospitales, construir plantas de energía renovable y hacer la transición de una ganadería extensiva a sistemas integrados de silvicultura, entre otras consecuencias. También puede significar el final de muchos programas sociales populares, como la electricidad subsidiada, las tarifas estables de autobuses y el tratamiento médico gratuito de enfermedades crónicas.
El Poder Ejecutivo de EE. UU ha utilizado la Ley Magnitsky Global para apuntar a las finanzas de los líderes de la Corte Suprema Electoral, la Policía Nacional, el gobierno de la ciudad de Managua y la corporación ALBA en Nicaragua. Los agentes de policía y los burócratas de salud pública han recibido el aviso de que sus visas estadounidenses han sido revocadas. El punto, por supuesto, no es si estos funcionarios han cometido o no cometieron actos que merecen su reprimenda en Nicaragua, sino si el gobierno de los EE. UU debe tener la jurisdicción para intimidar y acorralar a los funcionarios públicos de Nicaragua.
Mientras una violencia sádica continúa, la estrategia de los golpistas para expulsar al gobierno ha fracasado. La resolución de la crisis política vendrá a través de elecciones, y es probable que el FSLN gane esas elecciones, salvo que suceda una nueva ofensiva dramática e improbable por parte de la oposición de derecha.
UNA GUERRA DE CLASES AL REVÉS
Es importante comprender la naturaleza de los golpes estadounidenses y oligárquicos en esta era y el papel de los medios así como el engaño de las ONG, porque se repite en múltiples países de América Latina y otros países. Podemos esperar un ataque similar contra el recientemente elegido Andrés Manuel López Obrador en México, si él busca los cambios que ha prometido.
Estados Unidos ha tratado de dominar Nicaragua desde mediados del siglo XIX. Los ricos en Nicaragua han buscado el retorno de un gobierno aliado a los Estados Unidos desde que los sandinistas subieron al poder. Este golpe fallido no significa el final de sus esfuerzos o el final de la desinformación de los medios corporativos. Saber lo que realmente está ocurriendo y compartir esa información es el antídoto para derrotarlos en Nicaragua y en todo el mundo.
Nicaragua es una guerra de clases patas arriba. El gobierno ha elevado los niveles de vida de la mayoría empobrecida a través de la redistribución de la riqueza. Los oligarcas y los Estados Unidos, incapaces de instalar el neoliberalismo a través de las elecciones, crearon una crisis política, destacada por la cobertura falsa de los medios para obligar a Ortega a renunciar. El golpe está fallando, la verdad está saliendo a la luz, no debe ser olvidada.
*Este artículo también fue publicado originalmente en Global Research y en Resistencia Popular:
Correcting the Record: What Is Really Happening in Nicaragua?
https://popularresistance.org/correcting-the-record-what-is-really-happening-in-nicaragua/
Sus autores son Kevin Zeeseun abogado que codirige el portal https://popularresistance.org/ en los Estados Unidos y Nils McCune quien forma parte del equipo técnico de IALA Mesoamérica (Instituto Agroecológico de América Latina en Nicaragua) y de la educación agroecológica de La Vía Campesina.
*Fuente: La fuente original de este artículo es Global Research.
Copyright © Kevin Zeese y Nils McCune, Global Research, 2018
Tra ducido por César Panza[19659065]
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