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TUNISIA.- The harsh end of the
Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi
the dissident badbadinated in the consulate of his country in Istanbul diverted, as never, the general interest for Saudi Arabia, the opulent petromonarquía marked by its intrigues palaciegas and its internal dynamics.
The desert realm, distant and mysterious, it is still unknown to many in the West, but the effervescence of the Khashoggi affair opened the door to an inquiry into how the Saud dynasty was able to to govern this vast nation located in the most flammable region for more than eight decades.
The discovery in the subsoil of the vast oil windfall allowed them to buy wills and turn a backward land of nomadic Bedouins into a consumer society.
In 1968, GDP per capita C was about $ 15,000 and there were almost no vehicles on the streets of their few cities. In five decades, this number has quadrupled and the country is one of the leading markets for luxury cars.
Nearly two decades ago, the arrival in the United States refined the language of a young Saudi student and began downloading on the Internet writings criticizing the regime and pro-democracy in their country. country. One day he received a call from a manager who arrived immediately to his father.
his father reproaching through his tears the disgrace he had caused to the family with his lyrics. While the boy was still in shock, the manager picked up the receiver and said, "I think you'd like to do a doctorate in political science, is not it, where?" At Harvard? finance on one condition: more criticism "The student accepted the offer and, a few years later, he joined the Saudi administration.
Anecdote is another example that explains in part how the Saud dynasty remains in power with an iron fist. 19659012] The rapid and radical development of the country would have been impossible without the work – often, rather exploitation – of foreign immigrants. Nearly 40% of the country's 30 million inhabitants are foreign employees who do not benefit from the public services of Saudi citizens. The majority are workers from poor countries, such as India, the Philippines or Pakistan, but there are also skilled workers from Lebanon or Egypt.
Saudis tend to occupy positions of public servants or supervisors in the private sector.
with foreign domestic workers who are paid a ridiculous salary and are victims of many abuses. In Saudi Arabia, the distribution of tasks is marked: foreigners work and Saudi consume. Even Mecca, the holiest city of Islam, has not escaped the consumerist and developmental fury. There is virtually nothing left of its historic heritage, replaced by an ocean of brand new hotels and shopping centers.
This phenomenal economic and social transformation has not been accompanied by a change of mentality in a society whose traditional interpretation of Islam reflects the rigors of life. in the desert. Since its pact with the ultraconservative religious establishment, the Saud dynasty has ensured that it avoids the "contamination" of Western lifestyles.
Restrictions
For this reason, US employees of oil companies live in isolated complexes of the local population and it is extremely difficult to obtain a tourist visa. Even foreign diplomats see their movements in the desert realm very restricted. In the 21st century, with globalization and the information society, Saudi Arabia is still a mysterious and opaque place.
However, his secret is not as perfect as it was and was leaked to the public. abroad that the country knows a new effervescence. The social contract between the state and its subjects, elaborated during the oil boom, is already unsustainable.
In 1970, the black gold contained about four million Saudis. Today, this figure rises to nearly 20 million people, including more than 3,000 princes with luxury lifestyle. With a population growth rate of 1.5%, projections suggest that it will exceed 40 million.
In recent years, public funds have recorded red numbers and the state has had to issue public debt. At the base of the social pyramid, there are already Saudis living in poverty. Many of them are concentrated in the northeastern region. It is interesting to note that this is where most of the oil wells are, but also the Shiite minority, which has always suffered from the marginalization of a very intolerant power towards religious minorities.
There are also changes in the field of social morality. The capitalist hedonism in which the new generation has developed – 70% of Saudi citizens are under 35 – does not agree with Wahhabi rigor.
Changes
Young people are hostile to the country's complete gender segregation, which only allows them to build relationships with their contemporaries of the same bad through cats and social networks. This is why we recently authorized the amendment of the legislation prohibiting the conduct of women without major turbulence and the opening of cinemas.
It is in this context that the new reckless ruler Mohammed ben Salman rode. At the age of 31, he was elected in June 2017 by King Salman ben Abdulaziz. A decision that has rejuvenated the succession line of the Saudi crown and reaffirmed its intention to free the country's economy from its dependence on oil. Mohammed replaced in the line of succession a nephew of the monarch, Mohammed ben Nayef, then 57 years old.
This decision was not totally unexpected, since since his father took the throne, in 2015, Mohammed had been appointed to several key positions, as Minister of Defense, and was in fact the visible face of the government.
Aware of the need to adapt the system to a changing environment, Mohammed ben Salman wants the reforms to be limited to the economic and moral spheres. That is, they do not affect an absolute monarchy of medieval character. However, she wants to change her internal governance.
The Saud dynasty has always maintained a division of powers governed by the consensus of the different clans. On the other hand, Mohammed bin Salman wants to centralize all the power in his hands, marginalizing his cousins. And in the absence of financial means to convince a growing elite, he easily resorted to brutality, which also existed, but it was only the last resort.
This is a new doctrine in the kingdom, which could prove the unfortunate Saudi journalist Jamal. Khashoggi.
The history of the Saudi dynasty
Origin
The origins of the Saud Dynasty, which gave its name to the country, date back to the early 18th century. The emir Mohammed ben Saud decided in 1745 to consolidate his power by joining a religious preaching return to Islam hard. In 1902, Abdel Aziz bin Saud expelled the Rashid rival dynasty from Riyadh and began to consolidate his power by unifying the peninsula. In 1932, he established the kingdom of Saudi Arabia and proclaimed himself king
King Abdel Aziz dies in 1953. His son Saud, Crown Prince, succeeds him. Accused of corruption, he was fired in 1964 and replaced by his half-brother Faisal. Architect of a modernization policy, he was murdered by one of his nephews in 1975. His half-brother Khalid succeeded him and ruled until his death in 1982. Prince Fahd ascended on the throne, then Abdullah – two years younger – succeeded him. in 2005
Surprises
King Abdullah pbaded away in 2015. In June 2012, he was surprised to choose his half-brother Salman as Crown Prince, apparently without appearing on the Council. King Salman was also surprised when he named his son Mohammed, 31, Crown Prince last June, relegating his nephew Mohammed ben Nayef. The royal family has 25,000 members, including 200 princes holding political office
Mechanism
Saudi law states that the king must be a descendant of Abdel Aziz. In 2006, the succession mechanism was reformed. According to this system – still unused – a council of loyalty of 35 princes designates the heir to the majority. The king must propose up to three candidates; they may be rejected by the Council, which then chooses one of its own. If he does not get the king's endorsement, the council decides between his candidate and another elected by the monarch
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