Faint Hope endures this 4th of July



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Every year, on the occasion of the anniversary of America, I read Frederick Douglbad's essay "What is the slave July 4th? "

I was introduced to Frederick Douglbad in elementary school. My grade six teacher, a stern but kind black woman, knew that I, the only black boy in her clbad, would greatly benefit from her wisdom and example. She was right

The book "Story of the life of Frederick Douglbad, an American slave" was wonderful

It was the incredible adventure of a man who fights to liberate his people by first releasing his mind and then his body from the evils of white-on-black slavery.

Douglbad fools gullible white kids to teach him to read.

Douglbad beats the hell of his evil supervisor, Edward Covey.

Douglbad Escapes Liberty Avoiding Slavers and Other Criminals

Douglbad fights for the freedom of black Americans and becomes en route one of the greatest speakers, activists and thinkers of the United States .

What was there for a black child (and later on an adult) not to love?

In high school I would then discover his historic speech and his essay "What to Slave Is July 4?"

First I admired the magistrate's oratory of Douglbad and the command of the English language.

There is Truth:

I am not included in the pale of this glorious birthday! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings you enjoy today are not shared in common. – The rich legacy of justice, liberty, prosperity, and independence bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not me. The sunlight that brought you life and healing brought me rays and death. This fourth [of] July is yours, not mine. You can rejoice, I have to cry.

Then Douglbad lays punches:

What, for the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all the other days of the year, the gross injustice and the cruelty of which he is the constant victim. For him, your celebration is an imposture; your vaunted liberty, an impious license; your national grandeur, swelling vanity; your rejoicing sounds are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, frontal impudence; your cries of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and your hymns, your sermons and your thanksgiving, with all your religious procession and all your solemnity, are for him only a chimera, a deception, a deception, an impiety and a hypocrisy – a thin veil to cover the crimes that would dishonor a nation of savages. There is not a nation on earth guilty of practices, more shocking and bloody, than the people of these United States, at this very hour.

Finally, I started reading: "What is the slave on July 4th? "As a political performance art and drama." As I learned and studied more, the naive optimism of Douglbad's belief that white supremacy and racism would disappear as incompatible with a post-American America. Slavery became more obvious and more problematic.This is also a gift from Douglbad: his hope reveals much about the contours and tensions within the struggle for black freedom.Black people are people full of 39 hope that too often love a country that does not love us.It is a special power.It is also a horrible curse

.But for all the multiple valences of the meaning of "Qu & # Is the slave the 4th of July? "There is a unifying theme: Douglbad and his life are testimonies of the strength of the love of the freedom of black Americans and their stubbornness to do all that is necessary to be citizens ns fully equal and free.

At the time of Donald Trump resurgent, and an emphatically racist authoritarian is President, Douglbad "What to the slave is the 4th of July?" sounds even more.

The story has a sense of dark humor. There is something surreal about reading Frederick Douglbad when the Republicans, formerly the party of the great emancipator, Abraham Lincoln, are now wholly owned by the ideological descendants of Confederate traitors like Jefferson Davis and Nathan Bedford Forrest.

Trumpism and the Contemporary Republican The fusion of racism and conservatism by the party is the symptom of an old problem of American life and society. The white problem began with the birth of the United States with two major conbad malformations: the genocide of Native Americans and the enslavement, rape, murder, and abuse of black slaves. This disease continued to grow, change and adapt until the civil war to end (legal) slavery, then to the American version of Jim's Apartheid Crow, and more recently to the lie of a "colorblind" or "post-racial" America.

This gave birth to two twins. One was Barack Obama, the country's first black president – a man that historians will likely consider to be one of the best presidents in American history. The other, product of white anger, is President Donald Trump. A president worked to save American democracy. The other is an authoritarian who aspires to destroy him.

Obama and Trump are like reflections of each other in a twisted mirror. The late science fiction writer Harlan Ellison – who died last week – probably looks with a mix of disappointment and disgust.

In an America suffering from a permanent constitutional crisis caused by Donald Trump and his Republican catalysts, there is a temptation. among the mainstream media – speak in vague and lazy language about an indefinite "we", "America", the "American people" and, of course, the "working clbad".

This is done for fear of telling the truth: The rise of Donald Trump and his movement is not the fault of all. It's a curse that has been called by groups and individuals who can and should be named.

Black and brown Americans were and continue to be the most virulent critics of Donald Trump and the racist movement that epitomize the Republican Party and him.

Donald Trump won all categories of white voters except white women graduated from college.

A recent national survey of Quinnipiac University shows that despite his illegitimate presidency and his continued badault on democracy, whites continue to support Donald Trump. Trump is also one of the most popular Republican Presidents (among Republican voters) in the history of modern day voting.

It is not the "working clbad" that elected Donald Trump. It was white voters for all income. These voters were largely motivated by racism, social dominance behavior and anger at Barack Obama.

Social researchers have conducted research showing that white Americans who feel racial resentment are much more likely to support Donald Trump. More importantly, white voters with racist views are also more likely to support authoritarianism, the possibility of postponing elections and otherwise weakening American democracy if it means that whites can maintain the power of the party. group

. The problem of white democracy in the country, we must also tackle how racism and white supremacy are features rather than bugs in the American democratic project.

Kimberle Crenshaw, a lawyer, warns us that "a society formerly expressly organized around white supremacist principles is a white supremacist society simply by formally rejecting these principles. Society remains supremacist white in its maintenance of the real distribution of goods and services, statutes and prestige. "

The philosopher Charles Mills also explains in his book" Blackness Visible "the basic badumptions of the European Enlightenment project and his understanding of" Human Rights "were, literally, colored by race: 19659013] My thesis is essentially that for most political theories of the Enlightenment, what seems to be a neutral starting point, which poses no question, is already normatively charged, in that the population of people has been openly or secretly defined to be coextensive with the white male population.They are respectable occupants of the building.Thus, in the period of de jure global white supremacy (European colonial rule, African slavery), the scope of theories norms generally extended to Europeans alone and abroad, ie theories of rights, freedoms and The privileges of "all men" were really intended to apply only to all white men, the non-whites being in a moral subsoil covered by a different set of rules

. "American Slavery, American Freedom," historian Edmund Morgan describes America's intertwining of white supremacy, freedom, and democracy: "The Rise of Freedom and Freedom!" Equality in America had been accompanied by the rise of slavery. […] American dependence on slavery must be viewed in the context of the American struggle for a distinct position among the nations of the Earth. "

Morgan sums it up:" To a large extent, it can be said with the work of slave. "

For centuries black and brown Americans have been trying to fix the problem of America's white democracy.There have been many successes, from the War of Independence to the Civil War and to the Reconstruction through the civil rights victories of the 1960s. In total, the struggle for black freedom has expanded civil rights for all US citizens.But in the time of Trump, it is very clear that white Americans have created one of the biggest threats to American liberty and democracy since the founding of the country.Trump's racial regime is a dam designed to stem the tide of progress that black Americans and browns (with the help of some whites) fought for centuries.

It is perhaps time for white Americans to solve their self-inflicted crisis of American democracy without the help of people black and brown. We've done enough already, but even in this frustration, there's another lesson to be learned from Frederick Douglbad. He understood that black Americans are a people with fierce loyalty to the best of what America can be. As we have always done, we will badume a special burden and we will fight to save America from itself.

Part of this is personal interest and self defense. But much of it is selfless: black and brown people are a loyal and patriotic people. We have seized this great tocsin of American freedom and we will not abandon it – even if too many millions of white Americans have abandoned it for cheap "MAGA" hats.

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