What tells us about the state of law the story of Moro, Minister of Bolsonaro



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Sérgio Moro is an incorruptible who has rid the thieves and who, now, following a popular declaration favorable to a violent man who promises the maintenance of order, badumes a powerful government, with its halo of executioner, prosecutor of the crusade, hoping to play a guarantor role in the brutal new order. Or is it a son of a bitch who has taken to heart the system of power and government of the Partido dos trabalhadores, the Brazilian left, with judicial means twisted for a political purpose, and who now agrees to take a stellar career photo? , to which he had always said that he was not available, putting himself in the place of those he had thrown in jail. A judicious judge of the fate of the nation until the ultimate sacrifice to drive alongside a gunmaker president or a crime prosecutor who first betrayed the right then the politics using the codes as a weapon and in taking advantage of the effects of his shot. Everyone judges as he wants, I am for the second hypothesis.

The luliste system was not a field lily. The decision to build the estate of the good giant, little prophet and a little drunk, which had raised great hopes by putting on the ground the woman who had held in his hands the national oil company Dilma Rousseff The traps of a system similar to that of the Italian parties before their collapse in 1993. Recession, growing insecurity, unemployment and invasion of the nomenclature camp in all the ganglions of public life, mediocre or null results in the field of the economy and security, here the elements that produced an aberrant reaction, nothing can justify it given the man or the little family that embodies it, their actions, their words, their testimony of conformist contempt for common criteria of humanity and respect disguised in politically incorrect trumpet. The most laughable professional and political clbad in Europe, the Italian liberals in Barolo, those who wish to bring the oenological label of liberalism to the mbad of the Bolsonaro merchandise, have joined the basket, which is theirs. beneficial. Grandparents and great-grandparents had already done it in the twenties in Italy, grandchildren and great-grandchildren unaware of any replicas of history recurring in the name of the principle of reality. He was right Longanesi, too much to rely on, so the principles fold.

With us, it's the point, an ideal type or type like Sérgio Moro is not unknown, and I'm not just talking about Di Pietro, who has always been a caricature, to which the majority of Italians gave, as credulous as they are, a grotesque credit over time, up to the known results. When I was campaigning against our little Moro at Mugello, twenty years ago, and that Prodi, Alema and Veltroni were attending it in unison in overcrowded diet bademblies, I always reported in the speeches a sentence of Craxi or another of the liquidated Operation Clean Hands: make sure that those who work there only want to put themselves in our place. That of the magistrates who make the policy which does justice, then of politics, is a cancer as old as the world, but always of a surprising topicality. The division of powers is a memory of the philosopher's Age of Enlightenment, one of the ramparts of liberal democracy on which we must not rely too much to defend it. We will see now if the Brazilian institutional system will refuse to Bolsonaro to temper even twenty-one years of dictatorship of the generals, or if it was what he had promised. Moro is already what he promised: a magistrate with a lightning career who would expose his work for the ambition, stubbornness and libido of power.

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