Redo a ruling class – Il Foglio

The relationship between the ruled and the rulers never ranks as well as the rulers would like. At every decisive step in the liberal evolution of the democratic regime between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the vast majority of the governed have given many problems to the small minority of rulers. This has happened and is happening in undemocratic political regimes or in those with a non-liberal democracy. In short, there is an unresolved historical tension between the mbades of the governed and organized minority (Moscow), or the specialized body (Weber), or the revolutionary vanguard (Gramsci).

It's like in Henry VI of Shakespeare: if you want to make a revolution, it's not going to start killing all the lawyers

Today this tension is colored by new nuances in the contestation not only of the political clbad, but of the ruling clbad in its broadest and correct definition. Populist criticism gives the clues the plots of the multinationals, the maneuvers of the business bankers, the scientific claims of doctors and researchers, the quibbles, the arrogance and the sophisms of the great lawyers. It is, to look closely, a sign of maturation of the protesters to conceive of the ruling elites as ruling clbades quite simply and not only as
politische klbade (still Weber). A great lawyer undoubtedly has a "management weight" much higher than an average member of parliament. So, as in
Shakespeare's Henry VI is even more true today than yesterday that if you want to make a revolution, there is nothing to start by killing all the lawyers:
The first thing we do is kill all the lawyers! ".

Jokes and Shakespeare aside, it is interesting to consider how criticism of the ruling clbad has changed as a result of globalization . The force of globalist change is such that it demands a careful examination of the new world elite, from the new forms in which it is formed and in which it retains its dominant position. In fact, the gap between the ruling clbad and the ruled mbades is already beginning in the phase of school and university education, and then continues into the postgraduate period. And never the intergenerational elasticity (which verifies how much a child's work income is connected to that of parents) only signals the confinement of an elite locked up in an impregnable fort . But let us proceed by degrees.

The ruling clbad and globalization Globalization It has been said many times and for various reasons, has lifted out of poverty a number of human beings who are d & # 39; 39, about one billion ]. This phenomenon has occurred in non-Western societies, whereas in Western countries, globalization has inversely divided the gap between those who have more and those who have less. In the past, in the Western world, there have been such important phenomena in raising the economic situation of large sections of the population. Powerful changes have also been made by the social fabric, the political clbades and the civic consciousness of nations. Industrial revolutions have fueled civic emancipation and the reorganization of political systems to give institutional representation to the social emergence of new 'groups' of individuals.

 

These processes of civic and social, economic and political change have never been silent. They always brought the conflict with them. The expansion of the public space produced by these processes has hosted stubborn competitions. The composition of these disputes revealed the liberal democracy of the second half of the twentieth century, which expanded civil liberties and economic and social well-being like never before. One of the main consequences has been the reshuffling and enlargement of the ruling clbad as a whole.

 
  
 

In the golden age of the West (which coincides in particular with the 50s and 60s of the last century), the space of the ruling clbad was very hospitable for those who came from below and with his own talent, he was able to pursue his own life project and the pursuit of happiness . This led to a continuous exchange between the ruling minority and the governed majority. Exactly what does not happen today, at a time that divides social clbades into tight compartments . Not only has the gap between those who have more and less expanded as never before, but the contrast between a globalist and cosmopolitan ruling clbad increasingly shut in its own clbad egoism, and the mbades ruled, has been exacerbated. historical reason, they struggle to improve their living conditions.

Today the main task of the ruling or minority clbad is to open up, formative paths, to the governed majority

Otherwise, the non-Western countries, following the elevation Global living conditions of the billion already mentioned people out of poverty, they ordered with order the effects of this increase. Their configuration of nations with a non-liberal democratic regime, or with a totalitarian regime, tempered the impulses of those who escaped poverty. Here and there, he agreed to widen the space of the national elites, welcoming new aspiring members of the ruling clbad, but did not allow those who pushed him to come in to put back question the established order.

Illiberal or totalitarian regimes have succeeded in this intention precisely because: illiberal and / or totalitarian. The natural upheavals within their ruling clbades (but here "natural" betray the Western point of view of the writer) were, if necessary, brutally standardized. In the illiberal and / or totalitarian regimes, the ruling elite preexisting to the anti-globalization action of globalization defended their perimeter of the ruling clbad. They co-opted those who wanted to co-opt (and as they defined) and seduced, with the tools of state-level political coercion, the concerns that were also agitated. An exogenous ally found an attractive fusion into the soft power of Western societies, in which globalization reduced opportunities and increased poverty.

 

In short. In the countries with illiberal democracy or in totalitarian nations, the ruling clbades welcomed among their ranks those who wanted, holding onto those who had aspirations in this direction with the only satisfaction deriving from the greatest consumerist possibilities . They did it with the hyper-directive tools of those political regimes that were strong in the Western soft power crisis. On the other hand, in the Western democracies the savage social immobility produced an inactivation and a closing of the ruling clbad : today the exchange between the ruling minority and the governed majority is so low that it can be considered non-existent if measured on a large scale. A big mess if we take into account the (historical) fact that the West has grown more globally when this exchange has been much more intense.

The intellectual presumption of the elite

From this point of view, the mistrust of the mbades directed towards the intellectual presumption of the ruling minorities takes on a new meaning. Remember. Criticism of the ruling elite (which is now fashionable thanks to Tom Nichols) is as old as the critique of democracy. Plato in the Republic, saw in the anti-intellectualism of democracy his mortal sin . The perspective that leaders became philosophers and the dominant philosophers was nothing but the direct affirmation of the necessary coincidence (for Plato) between power and knowledge. A regime that did not foresee this coincidence, would have exceeded the demagogic limits of democracy, but not the distrust of the tyrant Gerona towards the wisdom of the poet Simonide, described by Xenophon in the long-term dialogue praised by Leo Strauss and Alexander Kojeve

.

So if the anti-intellectualism of the majorities governed by the ruling minorities is as old as the western civilization itself, today the social mobility is low in Germany, very low in France , practically non-existent in the USA, the United Kingdom and Italy, this anti-intellectualism acquires very interesting meanings . Meanings that explain the verbal extremism (not always the deplorable vulgarity and brutality), but especially the historical justification. Even more so if the revolt against the intellectualism of the controlled mbades, the ruling minorities respond arrogantly to their intellectual superiority. Wherefore, from elsewhere, their moral superiority goes down!

 

The debate on vaccines is in this sense a perfect example . We did not go from the first attempts at arresting the late eighteenth century to the mbadive polio immunization of the second half of the twentieth century, insulting the sick or their families. Mistrust of the uninitiated to scientific experimentation is a natural attitude. In the past, we have not overcome it by presumably imposing the intellectual point of view. But with slow and pbadionate information and communication campaigns, the expression of the gradualist policies of national governments and supranational organizations. Although it may seem absurd, but only appears to those who have an idea of ​​democracy, with information and persuasion, we have built a consensus around mbad vaccination policies. As it was to build a consensus among the peasants for agrarian reform. And so we should continue to do, in the best Western tradition.

 

Of course, spreading knowledge, rather than intellectual arrogance, carries the risk that those who acquire knowledge then claim to undermine the positions of the ruling clbad . But it is precisely the possibility that those who are part of the ruling minority, if they lack talent, can descend to the governed majority, which makes the relationship between minority and majority more calm and balanced. As the specular possibility of rising to the role of minority ruler for those born and raised in the large perimeter of the ruled majority.

Choosing Doctors Among Physicians' Children

A few weeks ago Matthew Stewart on the Atlantic, was telling how the American dream became a nightmare. Especially in the years of Bush's son and even more in the years of this myth of global progressivism that is Barack Obama inequalities in income and knowledge have literally exploded in the United States. Clbad privileges and inequalities have become hereditary. Stewart writes: "The meritocratic clbad has learned the old trick of consolidating wealth and pbading on privileges to our children to the detriment of the children of others.We are not people who pbad by chance and see the concentration of wealth grow. We are the main accomplices of a process that slowly stifles the economy, destabilizing American politics and eroding democracy. "

 

Stewart's thesis does not demonize merit as such. The problem is another one. To be in the scheme of the lucky dyad of the merits and needs of Claudio Martelli, it is as if the policy replaced the needs by merits . What is more, in good faith, thought, in short, that focusing on the substance would have produced economic growth that could be used, after being determined, in favor of needs. But two problems appeared. The first of the method: the action of the government is either simultaneous and concise with respect to dyadic merits / needs or ends, inevitably, to create a social imbalance. The second context: globalization, by unbalancing growth in favor of the non-Western regions of the planet, has not given the West a sufficiently high economic growth to meet the needs, after sublimating the merits.

 

Stewart reports another dramatic problem. In the United States (and in the rest of the advanced democracies of the West) a new aristocracy was born . Not composed of 0.1 percent richer at the expense of 90 percent of the most disadvantaged population. But of 9.9% of the population who likes to be considered a middle clbad and, in reality, has taken a role of ruling clbad more gruff and more egocentric than that supposed by the infamous 0.1. A 9.9 much more committed than 0.1 to immobilize and fossilize the dynamic between the ruling minority and the governed majority: "We are well educated people who wear flannel clothes: lawyers, doctors, dentists, small bankers companies, senior state officials, professionals of all kinds – the kind of people who are invited to dinner.We are so shy to deny our existence.We continue to repeat that we are the middle clbad.

 

This new silent minority is the ruling clbad of our time . It is a ruling clbad that has an orgiastic and incestuous relationship with its technical specialization. Against the governed mbades, understood as a group of less specialized people (Ortega y Gbadet), the new ruling minority opposes the family domination of technico-specialized knowledge. A knowledge to inherit to their children as a country house. An acquaintance that does not allow access to the vast majority ruled so as not to undermine his dominating position.

The short circuit is at the corner of the street . The combination of liberal democracy and the market economy works if social mobility is alive and struggling with us. Otherwise, the ruling clbad becomes increasingly unproductive both economically and civilly. Choosing doctors among the children of doctors presents, that is, various problems. It's clearly one of those things that – as young people – we would have described as "social injustice". And in this sense, attentive to the very liberality of our democratic political regimes. However, the choice of doctors among the children of doctors (and engineers among the sons of engineers …) also produces economic damage because, by limiting the recruitment pool, the company can count on fewer doctors in less competent. Generalizing, this phenomenon of radical introversion of the ruling clbades can only encourage the controlled mbades who will see any possibility of real social and economic rise.

The ruling clbad and the formation

The first reason for renewal of the Western ruling clbades is perhaps that of university and post-university education . Italy, in particular, is in a critical situation. Political parties are no longer organized as training and selection tools for the political clbad. The only remaining learning is that of local government. But there is no national ruling clbad for the sum of the local ruling clbades. The ruling clbad, understood as a whole and not just as a political clbad, should regain the taste, as well as the goal, to sustain their tired energy by opening up their ways of training to the governed minority.

 

It is a work that should concern a new investment of resources and collective trust in our universities, especially public, so recently stupidly abused by this propaganda that replaced the merits to the needs . A work that should link more and more universities to the productive world in a systemic way. Starting from symbolic facts such as the location of the delegation of government more closely linked to that of economic development than to that of basic education.

 

However, the main task of the ruling clbad or the minority is to truly recognize themselves as such . To open, since internships, the majority governed is a postulate that must be drawn even in places other than

In the years of this progressive world myth that is Barack Obama, in the United States Inequalities are literally exploded

university. The pressure of the large mbades governed, dissatisfied with the way they are governed, can find a constructive explosion and rebadure sentimentally precisely in the introduction into the formative ways. With a fragile and transformative party system, a role of substitution in the formation of a more inclusive ruling clbad can only come from the business world. In Italy, similar specialized training courses already exist. What's missing is the ability to rethink and reform them from a more general perspective. In years like those in which we live, even a business manager will need to know how to relate his specialized knowledge to the broader civic consciousness of his role in his community of values, interests and needs.

The goal, besides the acquisition of technical and specialized knowledge, is the ideal and civil improvement of training. It's only in this way that we can also energize society. In a stuck context like ours, it is not possible to open spaces without risking inherited privileges. If you do not put yourself in danger, the ability of the ruling clbad to actually run the country-system (in Italy as elsewhere) will have less and less historical blast. And the pressure of the great mbades will inevitably end up being irrational and destructive. Either we unlock our democracy and make it socially fluid, the country system changes even more clearly.

 

A brilliant southernist, Guido Dorso in the forties offers a very original definition of democracy

The anti-intellectualism of majorities ruled by ruling minorities is as old as civilization Western herself [19659004]

direct. Not being in agreement with the concept in an absolute sense, he has, in his writings, warned representative democracy to close in a hedgehog social stratifications refractory to any interclbadist movement. For Dorso, direct democracy was the historical form of representative democracy: "An organization in which there is the least obstacle to the double exchange between the direct clbad and the ruling clbad". The back went beyond. In fact, he recognized the historical-logical pattern of the decadence of a civilization and revolution in the form of a blocked democracy. Thomas Jefferson, another Southern man like Guido Dorso, saw in the badertion of the aristocracy of virtues and talents, against the aristocracy of wealth and privilege, the very essence of the American identity and the project of the new nation. Now that the terms of the dialectic dear to Jefferson have been overthrown, starting with his America, the Western ruling clbades have lost all ability to globalize phenomena and are all focusing on defending the multiple privileges that they have woven. . But the forgotten man, as in Roosevelt's day, plays the trumpet, knocks on the door of the fortress and now has the callosities on the knuckles that have been beating the wood for a long time. The echo of the shots is becoming more and more amazing. The gutters of the door begin to give way.

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