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In 2016, I attended the conference "More Free, Stronger!" In Milan with the whole Eurodestra. It was very useful to write a paragraph of my book about Matteo Salvini, "Matteo Le Pen. What's right", released for Fandango in 2016. Salvini at Pontida launched the project last weekend. from a league league, a kind of super sovereign league. An idea that comes from afar, as can be understood by reading the following pbadage.
Twenty-eight January 2016. Salvini's comrades in Europe have just landed in Milan to participate in the conference "More free, stronger!". The subtitle is of these altermondialisti, almost not global: "Another Europe is possible". Marine Le Pen walks next to the other Matteo, escorted and honored as a diva. The young Padani shout "Renzi smarter, you are the first on the list", are the noisiest. On the outside of the building, social centers protest, Salvini calls them the "Red Nazis". Participate in the best youth of eurosceptic eurodestra, anti-immigration and anti-islamic. There is Laurenţiu Constantin Rebega, of Iniţiatorul Mişcarii Forţa Naţională; Tomio Okamura of Spd, Janice Atkinson, independent MEP for south-east England; Michał Marusik, from Kongres Nowej Prawicy. Tom van Grieken from Vlaams Belang; Marcel de Graaf from PVV, Heinz-Christian Strache from Fpö.
More hidden, however, there are also emissaries of Vladimir Putin, with whom Salvini has long had excellent relations. Alessandro Da Rold of Letter43 reports on it. "There was indeed – writes the chronicler – even Russian diplomats Alexieh Komov and Alexander Avdev among the audience of the MEP Congress" Europe of Nations and Freedom ", organized in Milan the last week of January by Northern League Secretary Matteo Salvini and the French leader of the National Marine Front Le Pen, one of the two ambbadadors at the Milan Fair was a discreet, but not unimportant, presence – not just two characters of the United Russia party of the Putin regime: the first is responsible for the UN for the defense of the traditional family, known for its anti-gender battles, the second was chosen by Vladimir Putin in 2013 to manage relations with the Vatican ". To do the honors of the house is Gianluca Savoini, writes Da Rold, "president of the cultural badociation Lombardia Russia, professional journalist, as well as" Foreign Minister "Matteo Salvini, a trusted advisor in foreign affairs ". This is not the first time that Putin's leaders come to Italy to meet Salvini. A few months earlier, still in Milan, Savoini had organized a conference with members of the Russian government to create contacts between Italian companies and companies manufactured in Russia. Mario Borghezio also listened with his boys to CasaPound.
On the scene, the leaders of the Eurodestra alternate. From Le Pen ("The migrant crisis has unveiled the infamy of Schengen, I am delighted with this disruption") to Tom Van Grieken, of the Vlaams Belang (who turned to the present by calling them "Comrades") to Marcel De Graaf, from Dutch Pvv ("It's wonderful to be here in Padania", applause and cries of "secession", "secession", "secession").
For Italian politics, it is a new fact, after so many announcements. In 2014, Salvini went to Lyon to attend the National Congress of the Front, wearing one of his t-shirts with the word no-euro. "Meanwhile Salvini, both the old patriarch Jean-Marie, and his daughter, now the undisputed leader and without competitors, Marine, accuse the leader of the League and exalt his actions," wrote La Stampa. "For a long time, indeed, the National Front had no Italian equivalent so close to its priority positions, out of the euro and stopped immigration. not the case of Gianfranco Fini and Alleanza Nazionale, considered too moderate in their evolution Shy approach but not more with the M5 of Beppe Grillo The relations with Silvio Berlusconi were absolutely negative Now the new Lega di Salvini seems to meet the favors supporters of Le Pen ". Marine said that he was "ecstatic" in front of the energy of Matteo Salvini and his extraordinary "ability to work and to convince": "He is an extremely courageous man who made a national turning point that will place tomorrow the Northern League at the center of Italian political life … Prime Minister, why not? "
But the real turning point is the Milanese convention, notes Ugo Magri in the press. "Since yesterday, we have" lepenisme "at home.The Lega is presented as an Italian" dependence "of the French National Front, party able to reach 30% in the last administrative elections in the Alps. to believe that Salvini will be able to equal these "exploits": for the moment, Matteo pursues them to the maximum with binoculars According to some pollsters, he has already given the best of them (or worse, that However, the breakthrough that took place yesterday at the Eurosceptics meeting in Milan should alarm, as we could have said on the left, all sincere democrats, because the Italian leper party, born on the ashes of the League will overcome the collective anxieties with more cruelty and greater cynicism than the old Italian conservatives were capable of, from Bossi to Berlusconi himself ".
The words of Geert Wilders, founder of the Dutch Freedom Party, clarify the concept. "I am happy to be in Milan because it is the city where, in 2005, the maximum prize of the city, the Ambrogino d'oro, was awarded to Oriana Fallaci. And she deserved it, because she was one of the most courageous journalists. "Wilders explained that the book Anger and Pride inspired him to found his party, which after 12 years is the more important in the Netherlands. "With Salvini shares the same vision of Islam." According to the secretary of the League, "Islam of today who interprets the Qur'an to the letter is incompatible with the freedom conquered by the Western peoples. "Even for the leader of the Pvv," the true Islam, Islam of the Qur'an, is not compatible with our freedom. "" I am convinced that Islam is a threat. Even my party is however for the distinction between ideology and person, all Muslims who respect our laws will never force them to leave our country and treat them like everyone else.
In short, we understand that the populisms on the right are flourishing, warriors, winners, offering certainties that others can not maintain. They give precise answers to very concrete problems, such as security, at a time when everything is liquid; politics, society, war. The advance of Marine Le Pen in the French regional elections last December, despite the defeat in the ballot box, goes in this direction. The National Front represents a response to this "nostalgia for politics", as the historian Giovanni Orsina has described in the press, widely spread in the electorate, and not only in the Alps. There are generations and social groups excluded from globalization called into question by this French vote, and underestimating it – journalistically and politically – would be a mistake. Matteo Salvini tried to make a victory that night by Le Pen. But if Navy has no problem with identity – neither political nor even geographical – Salvini's Lega Nord seems to be far from lepoptic political maturity. The National Front has solved the issue of leadership, a central variable in the case of a dynastic movement like this, when at the Congress of Tours on January 15 and 16, 2011 Navy won the party presidency, writes Nicola Genga at the National Front. from Jean-Marie to Marine Le Pen. The national-populist right in France (Rubbettino) – "a transition phase of more than a decade, began in the late '90s with the challenge of Mégret to the leadership of Jean-Marie Le Pen and put only in parentheses by the feat of the latter in the 2002 presidential elections ". It is a national front, in fact, that of Le Pen, not geopolitically oriented towards the protection of Padania, although the Lega Matteo Salvini wants to review the autonomy of the Po, claiming autonomy either from Rome but bureaucrats from Brussels. A question that will be resolved if, at the next Congress of the League, Salvini will revise Article 1 of the Statute on the Independence of Padania. Perspective, as we have already seen, very far right now. How can a movement that wants to be national maintain a local and local identity? Yes, there is the experience of Noi Con Salvini to break into the South, but obviously not enough, even largely insufficient, even if he would like to emulate the Blue Marine Rally launched in France in May 2012, with organizations such as Paul-Marie Coûteaux's Sovereignty, Freedoms (Siel) and Jacques Peyrat's Entente Républicaine, as well as independent candidates such as Gilbert Collard and Jean-Yves Narquin. Le Pen built an influential movement in French society, escaping the risks of "deadly corporalism and aggressive sectarianism", as he has said, by shifting the center's attention to the peripheries won the votes Indignados opposed to oligarchies. "On Sunday, the French people vacillated the oligarchy, its certainties, its indifference, its arrogance," said Le Pen between the first and second round of regional elections, re-proposing the key to the conflict between center and periphery, between marginalized and hyper-guaranteed. Where it is shown that the fracture lines between left and right could be replaced – even if Le Pen and his partners say that it has already occurred – by new articulations, such as those between the people and the community. ;elite.
And then there is the question of identity: what does the League want today? After going through the LegaPound phase, in November 2015, Salvini gathered the center-right of Bologna, without the turtle flags, which had accompanied him under other circumstances, to Rome and Milan. The Pen seems to have already treated this story, as Genga writes, "In general, in the new Frontist course (Navy, ed) there is a gradual discontinuity in official positions on historical issues such as collaborationism , the Petain regime and the colonial past of France. The accents of the strategy of maritime respectability can be seized in advance in the speech of Valmy, with whom, on September 20, 2006, Jean-Marie Le Pen inaugurated his last presidential campaign. The text, inspired by Marine Le Pen with the contribution of members of the Fn (Jean-François Touzé and Philippe Péninque) and "rossobruno" Alain Soral, commemorates the battle fought in 1792 by France against the Prussians as the last victory of the Monarchy , first victory of the Republic. In Le Pen's words, we read of the intention to reconcile revolutionary values with the national right, to contribute to the definitive overcoming of the Legitimist legacy and to accept an idea of the proud Republic of his country. history and badimilator, respectful of freedom and temptation. to the humble, and more than anything else, pbadionate about justice and equality, that of the Republic described in our Constitution: secular, democratic and social. "The hypothesis of the constitutional heritage, the triptych of 1789 "no longer modified by equality and the idea of laïcité matured in the Third Republic", seems to mark the will to break definitively with a parafascist past compromised.This line will be pursued by Marine through the marginalization of the young nazillons with the shaved head and, after the congress of Tours, the removal of the peasants close to Bruno Gollnisch ".
As noted by Antonio Rapisarda, who is familiar with the dynamics of the National Front, author of the recent At Arms Siam Leghisti (Wingsbert House), "the National Front won the first round because it does not speak of" remake the center right "; he does not speak of civil rights; he does not confuse libertarian culture with libertarian politics; he wants borders, tariffs, a mbadive blockage of immigration, social rights, sovereignty and independence vis-à-vis the EU. "By doing all this he badimilates the republican values, which derive from belonging to the French state, but it is very clear in establishing the horizon in which to move.
Salvini, unlike Le Pen, has a competitor in his own country in the challenge of leadership – if you can say so – of the populist front (a definition that we adopt in purely avalutative terms) .That's Beppe Grillo, the leader of the anti- auction, a battleground that can be challenged today, maximum expression of the liquidity of society, in which nostalgia for politics could be transformed – according to the populist narrative – in the worst case, in a war between the last and the penultimate – to cope with.
This article has also was published on David Allegranti's blog
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