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Thus, after the death of President Houphout, our country entered a long period of turbulence, marked by all the calamities of which he had been previously spared, including: coup d'état, mass grave and war. This turbulence was magnified by a number of factors: the birth of quasi-ethnic political parties, the place of the PDCI-RDA old version, formerly the crucible of convergence and stability of the Nation; the emergence of liveliness, presented as a cultural concept by its owners, but which has rapidly turned into a terrible instrument of anti-racism and political settlement; efficiency in the sharing of national wealth produced, felt first, through mass unemployment, by young people, who constitute the largest segment of the population. The sociopolitical turbulence, created in 1990 (or even before, if one takes into account the very first shudderings), dope over the successions of the tenants of the presidential palace, to reach its paroxysm with the post-election crisis (a euphemism, not to say the war postlectorale), corresponds to the inevitable transitional phase which is leading our country to its first social contract, characterized by one-partyism, its second social contract, which will certainly be characterized by the birth of two major political parties, which will run the country alternately probably with different schedules from one party to another, in an atmosphere of socio-political stability and economic progress as in the past. As a man concerned about the future of his nation and what history (with large H) will retain from his political career, all things that go through the pursuit of his major development projects, President Ouattara satire abrerge the turbulent socio-political transitional phase, by accelerating the creation of the first of the two major political parties, called RHDP. What about the continuation of the process of setting up the RHDP and the birth of the second largest Ivorian political party? Elements of response are proposed in the following lines:
The establishment of the RHDP
As announced in its statutes, the Rally of Houphutists for Democracy and Peace (RHDP) will be a liberal party, ranging from center right (although this doctrinal structuring is somewhat vain today, especially under our skies), which will fcrera all parties claiming the political thought and action of President Houphout. Thus, the RHDP will apply a human face liberalism, rather than a wild libralism. It will be for this party to design and implement a policy of wealth creation, including through the private initiative, and assistance from the state to vulnerable populations. This party that will embrace the notions of globalization, plantar village and globalization of the economy, therefore opening to the other, will be essential in the country of missage (between Ivorians of different ethnicities and between Ivorians and non-nationals, resulting from a strong and ancient immigration ), which constitutes the Ivory Coast, especially as this double melting pot will grow. But the establishment of the RHDP will be a long quiet river, as the shock of interest is sometimes violent inside this coalition of political parties. To better understand the birth of the RHDP, let us examine briefly the strategies developed by each of the two main levers of this rally: the RDR and the PDCI.
The RDR: After almost two decades of fierce fighting, during which his opponents, followers of the most twisted blows, did not leave him a single second of return, the republican party is concerned by the conservation of power by the RHDP, to avoid the return to power of a possible coalition adept of politics dostracism which the whole of the Nation, the RDR activists first, has suffered so much. Thus, even if it is not visible at first glance, all the actions of the party in the box aim to create a new Ivorian, open to the other, inclined to grant suffrage to politicians of the same size, carriers of projects of society likely to train the country towards the emergence , and not to the professionals of the dmagogie and the division, two factors of the inevitable return of the nation towards obscurantism. To achieve RHDP's goal of conserving power, the RDR must at first: reinvigorate its own basic structures, which constitute a real quiet force; to re-mobilize its own activists, a significant part of whom feels themselves to be sharing in the fruits of growth; and more effectively defending President Ouattara's record, which all objective observers consider overall positive. The realization of these different projects requires the cohesion of the RDR leaders, some of whom are fighting today almost openly, forgetting that only the success of these sites will redo the party this hyper-mobilizing force, that the other parties of the RHDP, by realpolitik, have You do not have to follow.
The PDCI: The old party is today torn between two diametrically opposed strategies:
– Go to the unified RHDP. There are two types of party cadres who are followers of this strategy: the first drew bitter lessons from the Hukphyrist division, which allowed the FPI to seize power and apply a policy that they suffered as well as a part of the Ivorian population. Not wishing to relive such a political and social nightmare, they prefer to work for a united and strong RHDP, to significantly increase the chances of the political coalition conserving power in 2020, thus ensuring their own political survival. The latter are convinced of the victory of the unified RHDP in 2020. They therefore prefer to bet on this winning horse, rather than embark on an adventure in the uncertain future. Especially when they currently occupy positions that provide them with a parcel of power and a place, sometimes of choice, in the restricted circle of sharers of Ivory cake. Has anyone ever said in a relatively recent past that the PDCI does not have a culture of opposition?
– Reviving the patriotic front, this circumstantial alliance FPI-PDCI, created under Gui Robert only to prevent the RDR from gaining power. The executives of the old party of this strategy are also of two types: the first believe that an alliance with a weakened REIT will allow the old party to catch the cup and play the first roles. The latter forget that the FPI, even weakened, remains a prilly horse ride. The proof: the maneuvers (visible and underground) of the defending patriotic front, far from bringing the PDCI back to business, have rather enabled the re-founders to seize power. And a good number of PDCI executives who backed this patriotic forehand then were royally ignored by the re-founders. The second group of cadres of the old party followers of the patriotic front belong to the Ivorian galaxy. Those only have to do the skill of a Man (with big H). For them, the value of a man is not measured by his ability to advance society, but by the percentage of pure Ivorian blood flowing through his veins. They are undoubtedly flying in a world apart. To these two types of frameworks, one could add a third, voluntarily omitted in this analysis, because minority and parpill throughout the RHDP even beyond: revenge, who feel unjustly carts management of public affairs. As much as their reaction is human, especially in our tropics, where high political or administrative positions rhyme with power and money, it is also an anti-model not to show young executives desirous of propelling their country towards emergence.
The Birth of the Second Great Ivorian Political Party
In the face of the RHDP, another great political party will emerge, later. This second great party will be hybrid, because it constitutes real women and men of the left, sincerely believing the efficiency of the state in the processes of production and distribution of wealth, and divorists converted to ultra-nationalist thesis of the right-wing extremism. This party, which will be the core of the FPI, will be the counterweight of the RHDP, but will tranera, like a ball in the forest, a congenital weakness related three factors: the internal contradictions of the alliance against nature left-extreme right which is the basis of the party ; the limits of the distribution policy of the wealth produced essentially by the right-wing forces, mainly militants of the RHDP; lanachronism of the Ivorian theses in the highly developed country of Cote dIvoire. The birth of this second major party is tied to the limits of the strategy of reclaiming the power of its main lever, the REIT. Indeed, deprived of state power and its charismatic leader, Laurent Gbagbo, the FPI is divided, weakened, even dboussol. In spite of that, the party the rose dreams only its return to the businesses. As for the strategy adopted to allow this return, two large schools stand up and seem to be completing within the party. The first, which does not believe a victory of the FPI in the ballot box, swears by the coup d'etat. The followers of this school bunned, to say the least, the bloody attacks that shook the country intermittently, at the beginning of the first Ouattara. As for the second school, it is animated by executives who doubt the feasibility of a pronunciamiento against the regime Ouattara defended by armed forces broken with the military combats. These frameworks rely instead on the boiling of the social front, the failure of President Ouattara, the explosion of the RHDP, the revival of the patriotic front and the resurrection of liveliness, the only scheme likely to bring their party back to power. For that, they push the unions close to the FPI to claim the Government, systematically downplay the great works slaughtered by the Ouattara Government (fail to attribute their father-President Gbagbo paternity or to deny their reality outright, yet visible and palpable what hrsie!), Dedicated to the PDCI and put back to the day the most common divider of Ivorians: the use of nationality as a political weapon and not a legal concept. In addition to these two main trends, the FPI has a minority current that does not believe the effectiveness of the aforementioned strategies, which it finds rather suicidal for the front-line party. Having learned from the mistakes, sometimes monumental, made by their party during its ten years in power, the leaders of this current think that the FPI must be part of a civilized, democratic and intelligent scheme of opposition to become a credible alternative to power. RHDP. Strongly that this current grows inside the party of the rose, for the happiness of the coast of ivory. In order not to generate a useless polemics, which is absolutely not the aim of this analysis, it is out of the question to indicate the schools of membership of the two FPIs: the Sangar and Affi tendencies. Just as it was not the case for the PDCI. Ivorians are intelligent enough to make this classification, which will undoubtedly guide their choice in 2020.
As indicated above, the period of implementation of the two major political parties presented above, which we are currently experiencing, corresponds to a transitional phase in the evolution of the Ivorian political microcosm. And as we see daily, this transitional phase is characterized by jolts, sometimes violent. Fortunately, the painful transitional phase, like a dampened oscillation, will decline in amplitude until the Ivorian political microcosm reaches its new equilibrium position, marked by the birth of the two major political parties presented above. The story will then hold that the RHDP's proponents, President Ouattara at the head, will have been right.
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