REVIEW OF THE ELECTORAL CODE: The debate rages on the web

This is a series of publications, respectively of the parliamentary president UPC-RD, of Abdoul Karim Sango, Minister of the Culture, of Rémis Djandjinou, Minister of the Communication, on the question of the revision of the Electoral Code. Indeed, on the social networks, these publications feed the debates.

The stakes of the draft revision of the Electoral Code according to the deputy Daouda Simboro

The revision of the Electoral Code of Burkina Faso, submitted to our august Assembly is in the process of crystallizing the attention of the population because of the divergence of apprehensions made on both sides for its stakes.
While the explanatory statement of the revision of the Electoral Code clearly sets out its minimal and technical character, the speculative stakes relate to them. to the vote of Burkinabes from abroad, to the documents that will be payable to them, as well as to the electoral constituencies abroad.
It is then necessary to determine the real stakes, in order to allow citizens to have a clear overview of this project and to establish the true scope of this provision for the benefit of the Burkinabè diaspora.
It should be recalled that the vote of nationals outside a country ys does not date from today. The Roman emperor Augustus was the pioneer, allowing the vote of his diaspora by a decree by which he authorized a mode of voting for Roman senators residing in the Roman colonies, to transmit their votes under seal to Rome.
In Africa, closer to home, the voting right granted to the diaspora concerns 41 countries, and is only effective in 26 of them, including of course Burkina, who will experience it soon. It must be emphasized, however, that this right has been written in the texts of our country for more than a decade, without being effective, let alone posing as a threat to our people, regardless of the side of the border where they
We note with satisfaction that while today we are legislating to effectively entrench this right to our compatriots residing abroad, we owe it to the clearly stated will of the Head of State to respect a campaign commitment. Some have had the opportunity but not to take the step. Never mind, this will seems to us a significant advance, to make operational this right in a Burkina whose true priorities are known. Our country is engaged on several crucial fronts, each of which could have been a serious reason to reduce the participation of Burkinabe living within our borders, a fortiori that of our compatriots living outside our country. It is about the security equation, the response to the food crisis, the alternation paralysis of the administration linked to the social movements, the serious revival of the economy, … If it is important to keep the However, it is important to relativize and rationalize the cost, by avoiding giving in to emotions calculated and disseminated by the media and political actors.
That's right, the media in general and especially political actors, not to mention politicians in particular, have a propensity to amplify the scope of the diaspora vote. The unrest we are currently witnessing is the perfect illustration. But let's not be afraid of the vote of Burkinabe from abroad. These will not designate the president of Faso. Not in 2020 anyway. Far from it
Let us also avoid thinking that without the Burkinabe's vote from abroad, the country will be worse off. What nenni! In order to be convinced of this and avoid leading honest and peaceful citizens into a bad spiral, it is sufficient to examine the results of some studies which generally show that the electorate of the diaspora represents only a very the entire national electorate. This is explained by the low rate of people registered on electoral lists abroad, which does not allow this fact and in fact to play fundamentally on the results of the polls.

Let us quote the example of Senegal, where voter turnout in the diaspora was 10 to 20 percent below the national average and only 3.9 percent of the electorate in 2000, 2.8 percent in 2007 and 3.6 percent in 2012. In nominal terms, these rates are equivalent to 106,000 registered in 2000 and 200,000 registered in 2012. As for Mali, the 265,000 registered in 2013 represented only a region like Gao. For the Malian elections of yesterday, 180,000 Malians were registered on the electoral lists.

Burkina will not be the exception. And let's face it, the issues of voting in the diaspora, which worry the political class, focus on the Burkinabe electorate of Côte d'Ivoire, which is presumed to represent a significant enough potential in terms of strength. It seems therefore normal that this diaspora is the object of a privileged attention and a spontaneous interest because of political calculations in our opinion erroneous. However, the common mistake that we commit is to add to the numbers without mastering the different contours of the electoral process, these figures varying from a minimum of 3.5 to 4 million Burkinabe living in Côte d'Ivoire. This potential is fictitious at the electoral level, in the sense that only Burkinabe registered at the embassy or consulate general are recognized as potential voters and their number is around 1.1 million. Moreover, this figure must be broken down by subtracting minors, persons no longer residing in this country, and those adults who meet the conditions of Burkinabe nationality in order to benefit from the CNIB, in accordance with to the legislation in force.

It is on this subject moreover that a false controversy is emerging on the documents to be used for the vote of the diaspora, not to make reducer, the one living in Côte d ' ivory.

Let's ask some basic questions. Will Burkinabe residents abroad vote in 2020? The answer is today "YES". Therefore, secondary issues should not preclude the existential question.

Could we avoid the question of whether this diaspora should benefit from a favorable clause to the detriment of other diasporas, or even Burkinabe residing in Burkina Faso? 19659007] When Burkinabè born outside and residing in their country of origin have the obligation to prove their nationality to establish their CNIB, why should those living outside the country derogate from it?

Do not we assume the interest that our dear compatriots living abroad bring to the political life of our country! If they take a great interest in it, could they accept to submit to the exploit of the required documents?

Do the consular cards at the heart of recriminations provide security assurances wherever Burkinabes reside or is it necessary to still to argue a discriminatory attitude in favor of one country rather than all?

With regard to the electoral constituencies abroad, to what extent could we duplicate the internal scheme in Burkina and succeed in supporting it? 19659007] Have we each forgotten or put away our posture of yesterday to find that today to allow the Burkinabe from abroad, to all Burkinabè to be able to realize a civil right, even expensive, is a decline of the democracy?

Our doubts are deep and real. Let's no longer engage our people on a disastrous path.

Let us relativize the importance of the electorate of Burkinabe from abroad, mainly that of Côte d'Ivoire, taking into account these factors that mitigate this enthusiastic impulse fictitious:
– the cost of the electoral act, the registration procedures, the distances to be traveled to be in possession of the necessary documents, and the route to be taken to reach the polling station on the day indicated, are as many Objective Barriers to Full Participation of the Diaspora;
– (prohibitive) costs of operations such as travel by officials of diplomatic missions, itinerant registration commissions outside the CENI make an elector of the diaspora almost 20 times more expensive than a voter at the national level;
– political parties should face a real challenge. When we know that few have been able to ensure representatives in polling stations at the national level, what would happen to their international presence and their attitude towards the anticipated regularity of the ballot?

For our part, we remain strongly reserved as to the participation rate and the expression of the suffrage of the Burkinabè diaspora and invite opposition as a majority to concentrate on the objective and republican conquest of the Burkinabè of Burkina Faso by the real take in charge of their aspirations
Let Burkinabe from abroad be able to participate in the next elections. This is what we are called to do this morning we believe. Let them then have the opportunity to appoint their lawyers because if there is a break in democracy, if there is any decline, it will concern Burkinabè sensitive to the opposition as to the majority. Therefore, this technical and administrative revision marks the beginning of a reality, the vote of the diaspora. And that, it is not nothing !!!

God bless the Burkina, thank you !!

What Abdoul Karim Sango said about the protection of the consular cards in Côte d ' Ivory in September 2013

It appears from the minutes of the Council of Ministers of 1 ^and August 2013 that the Burkinabè government has signed a contract for the production of biometric consular cards with a company called SNEDAI-BURKINA. This information, which has gone unnoticed, raises a series of concerns that I would like to share with you. Without going so far as to say that it smells of a deal like the susendant some people, I would like to be enlightened on the unspoken of this market. Primo, at the end of this contract, the above-mentioned company must produce 6,000,000 consular cards. The conclusion of this contract as announced in the minutes of the Council of Ministers does not mention the amount. After reading and reviewing the report, nowhere is it mentioned the amount of the transaction. However, for a need of transparency, the Council has accustomed us to indicate the amounts of the contracts. In this case, why would one keep secret the cost of the operation and how will it be financed? The report vaguely evokes a concept of public-private partnership. What does this notion cover? Does this mean that the contract is co-financed by private actors and the State? Who are these private actors? What is the contribution share of each entity, state and private? Secundo The signing of this contract with a private company, a subsidiary of an Ivorian company, makes one wonder whether one does not want to kill the ONI. Indeed, the ONI which is an administrative public institution, was created with the aim, among other things, to produce secure identity cards. All indications are that this public structure has proven expertise in carrying out such an operation. The ONI is even more qualified in the case in point that it is a matter of secure identification of Burkinabe living in Côte d'Ivoire. This activity falls well within the domain of State sovereignty. How to admit that the private data on the identity of our fellow citizens are managed by a private company was it of national right? For example, in Senegal, it was the state itself that directly piloted the operation of issuing national identity cards to Senegalese from outside. According to our information, the group SNEDAI belong to Mr. Adama Bictogo, former minister of the Ouattara government. The latter had to leave the government for his possible involvement in the case of Probo Koala.
Tertio, we remember that during the acquisition of biometric equipment for biometric enrollment costs tens of billions , it had been supported by CENI and the Government that this material should be used for other purposes, including strengthening the operational capacity of the ONI. Why then move to another market while the CENI material is available? The government, which recalls at all times that Burkina is not a rich state, should set a good example of rationality in the use of public resources.

Focus on the publication of Rémis Fulgance Dandjinou [19659006]