Edward Lucas A short might offer directions to Putin

The security (and allies) of the agreement healthy but empty – like some fears that could become the new Yalta treaty – can be interpreted as vague promises. Even an unclear agreement can lead to Russia's interests in patriotism in the United States.

Let me put those dark thoughts on the table and consider what could be the positive effects. First, clear messages are sent. President Donald Trump could convince Vladimir Putin not to intervene in mid-term elections in the United States and threaten much harsher sanctions. Regardless of the controversy over Russia's participation in the 2016 presidential elections, even the most zealous, courtiers are reluctant to support the idea of ​​foreign interference in American politics

In summary, the transatlantic relations remain strong despite conflicts with allies. . Perhaps the Kremlin split and rule tactic has been effective so far, but it has its own limitations.

The same American leader should tell his colleague in Russia that he no longer wishes to conclude a major agreement. The sanctions will persist until Crimea remains occupied. Russia must respect the Minsk peace agreement. Any further improvement in US-Russian relations will be slow, starting with small steps and confidence building measures. In this respect, the choice is very wide.

In addition, Short should congratulate Putin. Regardless of its economic, political and social weakness, Russia remains a cryptographic, cultural, nuclear, space, sports and geographical superpower. In all these areas, there is a lot to say. International negotiations on global governance of the Internet need an incentive. Russia's tiny digital services sector would benefit from a rules-based international order. A short could check if Putin is also concerned about China's ambition to dominate the Internet. Negotiations on the control of digital weapons could be beneficial to both parties, for example by accepting non-intervention policies in the field of missile defense or early warning systems

. most restored arms control agreements. These links have fallen sharply in recent years and it is the fault of Russia. On the other hand, if the United States talked about nuclear stability with the Kremlin Leonid Brezhnev, they could do the same with the Putin regime.

An immediate priority would be to prevent conflict – to provide military channels of communication. d & # 39; others. This strategy has worked surprisingly well for Syria. The same method could be applied to the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea, as well as transparency in the organization of military exercises, both in their size and in their nature.

Another useful subject would be the security of the space. An American-Russian working group charged with exploring the possibilities of destroying or capturing cosmic satellite debris would be a great trophy that could be delivered from this summit.

In short, it would be possible to briefly explore Putin's approach to an increasingly militarized Arctic region. . He could point out that Russia's short-term advantage in the Far North would not be maintained if the United States (and China) were to target significant investments in that country. So, it would be better to agree on some rules now than to end them later. He could also remind Putin that Russia's intervention in the Western Balkans is harmful and insignificant.

Cherry on the cake could become a brief statement that the United States should be interested in Russian culture. Ballet, literature and music festival. This would skilfully neutralize the Kremlin's efforts to demonize the West as the instigators of Russophobia. In addition, this would give Putin the opportunity to put an end to the absurd law of "foreign agents", a stupid and stubborn attempt to introduce Russia into the culture of other countries.

Such a program would not intimidate American allies. She can even bring something good. However, we should not expect miracles.