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KrF's dream had not been broken before, then another abbreviation came up and created a loop for Jonas Gahr Støre. The EEA appears as the new theme of conflict within the trade union movement, inside the Ap and left in general.
Norwegian employers and workers have had a long dispute as to whether employers should pay for the food, lodging and travel of foreigners who came to Norway to work there. The employers sued the state but were unsuccessful in the district court. Then to the court of justice. and finally to the Supreme Court. It helped me a little. The NHO has decided to appeal the entire case to ESA, which is the EFTA Surveillance Authority. They won it. Unions fear that this will create further social dumping. When Polish tariffs and tariffs apply to Polish workers in Norway, the companies and working conditions of Norwegian workers will be under pressure.
The newspaper estimates: We know what we have with the EEA, but not what we get without
The case made sense. It is provocative for the union for several reasons, but the process itself makes the situation even more painful. When NHO chooses to move on after losing to the Supreme Court and the ESA, which can defeat the Norwegian courts, the entire Norwegian legal system is set aside in a significant dispute over Norwegian tariffs, Norwegian working conditions and the rights of Norwegian workers. It is rare to show that the EEA agreement creates problems of self-sufficiency and democratic deficit.
This fall, the five-member federal federation decided to say no to the EEA. They can follow the rest of the Commonwealth League to the National Assembly next fall. If this is the case, the LO congress can follow. At that time, Jonas Gahr Støre risked the Aps country meeting under the 2021 parliamentary settlement becoming a battleground, characterized by the trench warfare against the EEA.
When KrF decided to form a government with Frp, right and left, the political landscape changes on insignificant points. It is likely that in the three-year elections we will see a rather fragmented left-wing party and an increasingly visible right-wing member. Although EU resistance in the Korean Liberal Party is also in a hurry, it will hardly threaten the government of Erna Solberg. The prime minister has developed a distinctive form of political governance and parliamentarism, in which the party can maintain its place in the Storting and elsewhere as long as the government retains power. In this way, blue and dark blue can convey the contradictory message that the EEA is both an undemocratic miracle and the most important agreement of Norway – both and effusively. This form of communication is not particularly reasonable, but it is an impressive efficiency.
In previous elections, the Labor Party had warned against "civil chaos" because collaborative projects were unclear, characterized by ultimate claims and mutual exclusion. Rhetoric can quickly become a boomerang now. The left side of the current parliament is composed of Red, ODM, SV, Center Party and Labor Party. Two of the parties are fighting with the barrier boundary. Everyone is against the EEA, aside from the PA, and possibly the MDGs, who will reform the agreement. The SV and the center party made it clear that no repeat of the program had taken place before 2005. The three party leaders, Jens Stoltenberg, Kristin Halvorsen and Odd Roger Enoksen, were released from the worst raids as soon as possible: Norwegian membership of the EU. We did not enter. SV joined NATO by Norway. We should stay. And SV and the center party went to the EEA. We did not go out.
This is not the case this time. SV and Sp have made it clear that a similar pact was not relevant in the pre-election elections of 2021. It is understandable that non-parties retain this freedom of action and that they reap the benefits. the benefits that they allow to speak to a large voting group, as is skeptical about the EU and the EEA. Moreover, it would be a serious mistake to let Frp's autonomous parties manage on their own. But this creates a difficult situation for Støre.
At the LO Stat conference last week, Jonas Gahr Støre and Hans-Christian Gabrielsen, LO leader, said their vision of the EEA agreement was quite similar: it's not the EEA, but the NHO and the government are problematic. By using the EEA agreement as a pretext to adopt a hard-line and rather unpopular policy, they are not obliged to defend themselves. Støre is sincerely indignant that the government does not think it endangers the whole agreement by doing so. In his opinion, it is irresponsible that NHO and the higher risk of an agreement on which Norwegian companies depend entirely.
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But given the blue side, there is a huge advantage here: blue politics is introduced without the government being held responsible. At the same time, there is an internal struggle on the red side – both within the PA, LO and among the parties that will try to form an alternative to the next elections. What's not to like?
"An interesting alternative is to look at how we use the EEA agreement, there are channels that we do not use as much as we could have done and processes that are closed today can be open, "said Torbjørg Jevnaker, a PhD researcher at Dagsavisen yesterday.
And it is here, in the splendid framework of the EEE agreement, that the opportunity of Støre lies. When Ap says no to the EU rail directive, it is also to show that the door is open until the action room is open and that it is possible to enter and turn on the light.
If Støre and LO management want to be credible when they say that there is an action room in which the government does not want to come in, they have to show in the practical policy that they are willing to do it. A compromise between the yes and no pages is probably the only acceptable result for LO and AP. A total victory for a camp will create lasting agitation and mistrust.
It is the political parade of the major: compromise and dialogue. He will benefit from skills in the future.
nyemeninger
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