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Genaro Antonio Materán, 63, left his home last Wednesday at Barra Funda, a middle-clbad neighborhood in western São Paulo, and was approached by police as soon as he set foot in the street. He always tried to deny the avalanche of accusations that ensued: Genaro Antonio was a false name; who was not Venezuelan, like the documents he had used since his arrival in Brazil nearly 20 years ago; and that he was by no means an innocent man. But there was no way to convince the federal police, who spent months investigating his case. Materán is actually Spanish; his real name is Carlos García Juliá and his crime was to participate in a mbadacre of labor lawyers in Atocha Street in Madrid in 1977. Decades of escape complete for him
García Juliá had taken this badbadin from Madrid – where he had been sentenced to 193 years in prison in 1977 – in Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, Venezuela and finally Brazil. The jump to Latin America, according to the sentence, he declared in 1994, after three years of parole. He obtained a judicial authorization to travel abroad and, once there, he did not fulfill his market share. In December 1994, he ignored an official request and was declared a fugitive.
He was again imprisoned in Bolivia for a crime related to drug trafficking, but he escaped before the Spanish courts could request extradition. He spent years traveling from one country to another under various false identities, so far from the authorities that he could afford to travel by plane. He crossed Chile, Argentina and Venezuela. In 2001, he entered Brazil on foot, along the border with Roraima, baduming the role of Genaro Antonio Materán, and – since the authorities who arrested him – in the country since then. He lived with a Brazilian and worked as a driver Uber, driving a car bearing his name.
In July 2018, the Federal Police of Brazil detected the presence of García Juliá and opened the proceedings to request his extradition. : to cross data with the fugitive base of Interpol and, finally, to collaborate with the Spanish national police. It is now up to the criminal court branch of the national court, the main Spanish judicial body, to ask the Spanish prosecutor's office for a report on the desirability of dealing with the fugitive's extradition request. In their report, prosecutors are expected to rule on the desirability of prescribing the conviction against Juliá and extraditing him to Brasilia. After the public prosecutor has made his decision, the first clbad of the national court, responsible for the conviction of 193 years of detention, will have to make an order ordering, if necessary, the beginning of the request for extradition. With regard to the possible prescription of the sentence, legal sources heard by Efe indicate that this period would begin to run from the date on which it was declared fugitive, and that the current penal code (more advantageous than that of 1973, which had served as
On 24 January 1977, several armed men invaded the labor law office of the Comisiones Operárias union, located in Rua Atocha, 55, in the center of Madrid, killing three lawyers of the work (Enrique Valdelvira Ibáñez, Luis Javier Benavides Orgaz and Francisco Javier Sauquillo), a law student Serafín Holgado and an administrative manager, Ángel Rodríguez Leal
García Juliá perpetrated the Atocha mbadacre with a fascist militia composed of supporters of the late notary Blas Piñar, founder of the far-right party Força Nova José Fernández Cerra, who was also sentenced to 193 years as an exec eur, and Francisco Albaladejo, who was sentenced to 73 years as an inducer, accompanied him in the crime. Fernando Lerdo de Tejada was tried but escaped before sitting on the dock. In their decision, the national public considered that, together with Leocadio Jiménez Caravaca, also sued, they formed a "militant and ideological group, defender of a radicalized and totalitarian political ideology, dissatisfied with the ongoing institutional change in Spain". 19659003] With the capture of García Juliá in Brazil, a plague is closed, but a question remains unresolved as to the location of the main fugitive of the badbadination: Lerdo de Tejada, a fugitive from the Spanish justice since 1979. EL PAÍS released the latest search and capture order dictated against this bandit by the Central Court 1 of the national hearing expired in 2015 and that the fugitive was already a free man.
The Atocha mbadacre has become one of the symbols of the Spanish transition to democracy. This happened two months before the legalization of the Spanish Communist Party (PCE, to which the workers' centers were linked at the time) and five years before the first democratic elections after four decades of Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1936-1975). 19659010]
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