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Eduardo Bolsonaro, son of the elected president, works more abroad than the appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. He has just returned from Chile with praise for what he considers to be the best economy in Latin America.
You are right. It is wrong to attribute Chilean success to the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet.
It is not necessary to say that dictatorships are always bad, no matter what they do, they have some economic success or a dismal failure, as it is the case of Venezuela.
This is not valid, therefore, to say that Pinochet killed, tortured, exiled, removed thousands of people, but he reorganized the economy.
1 – Economic growth – From 1973, the year of the coup d'etat that inaugurated Pinochet, in 1988, the year of the plebiscite that vetoed its continuity, Chile experienced an interesting growth of 54 However, in 1990, for an equivalent period, growth had more than doubled (110%).
Consequence inevitable: Chilean per capita income in 1990, return to democracy, was the same as Brazil.
2 – Unemployment – After a peak of 25% of the economically active population, unemployment in the dictatorship turned around 18%, three times more than in the 1960s.
Unemployment has recovered than more civilized levels with democracy. In October of this year, it represented 7.1%, less than half of the tragic signs of the Pinochet period.
Coming soon, democracy, 2 x Pinochet, 0
3 – Poverty and inequality – dictatorship, poverty affected almost half of the Chilean population. With the reorientation of democracy and public investment towards the social sphere, it has been progressively reduced.
In 2017, it affected 8.6% of the population, one of the lowest registers of Latin America.
Already, inequality continues to be an open sore in Chilean society, but in any case, it has been reduced by democracy. Measured by the Gini coefficient (closer to 1, greater is the inequality), it went from 0.46 when the dictatorship was installed in 1973 to 0.57 when democracy arrived in 1990.
Only in 2015 returned to its current level before the coup (it was then at 0.48).
Soon, democracy, 3 x Pinochet, 0.
4 – Politics – If the dictatorship had been a success, as the Bolognese believe, Pinochet would not have lost the plebiscite of 1988 on its continuity or not . He had everything in his hands: absolute control of the media, banned parties, persecuted opponents, dead, imprisoned or exiled
Nevertheless, 54.71% of Chileans preferred to veto the dictator.
In the next three presidential elections, three new victories of the opponents, with Eduardo Frei (Christian Democrat), Ricardo Lagos and Michelle Bachelet (Socialists)
It was necessary to wait until in 2010 to badume the conservative presidency in the Sebastián Piñera case. With one relevant detail: he voted against Pinochet's retention in the plebiscite of 88.
So it is only in this sense that gives democracy, 5 x Pinochet, 0.
5 – Finally , the Chilean pension reform that gives Bolsonaro's liberal economists a mouth-to-mouth In fact, the reform implemented by the dictatorship helped to clean up the public accounts, but on the other hand ruined the private accounts (in retirement).
The Gazeta do Povo de Paraná newspaper cited a recent study by the Fundação Sol in 2015 that shows that almost 91% of the population received values of less than 150,000 pesos a month (today's equivalent). R $ 851) in a country where the minimum wage was 276,000 pesos (R $ 1,565).
The model admired by the Bolsonaros that even a conservative government like Piñera proposes to modify, through a congressional project.
In other words: the temptation of the Bolsonaro team is to copy a model that is being modified for a very simple reason, says the consulting firm Eurasia, which does not seem to be part of a conspiracy of cultural Marxism: "A broad consensus on the need to increase low pensions in the midst of public discontent and will be approved."
What the government proposes is to create what It calls for a "pillar of solidarity" to raise funds for the poorest and to change the system of individual contributions. managed by private entities. Employers should contribute to a new rate (4% of their employees' salary), in addition to the 10% already paid. Eurasia estimates that the cost of reform will be about $ 3.5 billion.
In summary, even the reform of Pinochet is not a model to admire
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