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JOSÉ REINALDO CARVALHO
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Rosigo Maia's allies in the campaign for the third term in the presidency from the Chamber of Deputies launch a false dilemma: Maia or the isolation of the left.But the left is preparing to say: Maia no!
The disjunction of the left wing is not between marking a position and remaining "vanquished and isolated", or behaving with the Maia-Bolsonaro alliance to gain positions in the canopy and kitchen table of the House, in the name of maintaining "politics" and appear as a guarantor of political stability.
The fundamental question that arises on the left is not the one that is imposed by Maia's supporters, but another of a very different nature: the left will justify its 47 million of votes and the election of 136 MPs (PT, PSB, PDT, PCdoB, PSOL) as vectors of the demo struggle is it popular and will it be working with the Bolsonaro government and its henchmen in parliament? [19659004] Or, on the other hand: does the left fulfill its desideratum of being a force of opposition and combat or a marginalized fragment of the political spectrum at the service of the more retrograde right, s & Immolating in the gulf of liquidationism?
Now, there is a lot of evidence that under the far-right government, there is no possible solution at the government level for the electoral and political defeat that the left suffered on October 28 . The recovery, which may take more or less time depending on the evolution of events, will not come from capitulation to the enemy.
Bolsonaro and his political alliance did not declare a rhetorical war on the left when they promised to exterminate it. The war is valid and involves the formation by forces that support the government of a parliamentary and social bloc in order to exercise political protagonism and full real power. Part of this strategy is the alliance with reactionary governors and the formation of a parliamentary majority, at the summit of which, if elected, the speaker of the Chamber of Deputies, Rodrigo Maia. This is the meaning of the alliance of bolonarism, via PSL, with the greedy mayor of the third term, his share of power.
It is innocuous to discuss whether Maia is a bolonarian or not.
Let us say parenthetically that, although it is considered an expired case, which is not strictly the case, the election of Cesar Maia's son, since the first time, was functional to the interests of the right. Maia belongs to the right by blind conviction and ideological loyalty. He is the founder of one of the most reactionary political groups in the national life since the military dictatorship. Rodrigo Maia's DEM is not even a transmutation of the former Arena and the PDS of the military dictatorship, but its continuity of pure stock and lineage.
The election of the Council of the House on 1 February next has nothing to do with new conflicts. former for the control of the third hierarchical position of the Republic. In the 1980s and 1990s, it was possible to find plausible justifications for supporting the election of the center-right politician to the presidency of the House under a democratic regime, even though he was polarized by conservative parties. It was a distinct situation in which single agreements could be concluded to maintain the democratic order.
But since April 2016, Brazil is subject to a now ultra-right state coup regime. There is no reason to support a candidacy aligned with the right-wing regime in 2019, even though it was anointed with ballot boxes, lies, deception and fraud.
The left would commit suicide if it agreed to play the subordinate game of composing an institutional front office intended to be the transmission belt of the Bolsonaro government to apply the agenda of the ultra-liberal mbadacre to the rights of the people and the liquidation of national sovereignty.
Rodrigo Maia did not make any commitment with the guarantors of his election and his re-election as Speaker of the House. He was more radical than Temer in the execution of the coup d'etat program. Today, he stands as a herald of Paulo Guedes' neoliberal agenda and has already engaged with Bolsonaro to make the agenda of his far right government viable. " in parliament.
His calls to vote for left-wing parties are like cheese in the trap. 19659004] The electoral defeat of the left will not be bypbaded or reversed by agreements in which it submits to right-wing politicians. The current options on the left exclude support for Maia.
The accumulation of forces will be prolonged. It will be part of the fight in parliament. But if the social component of the popular struggle is not activated and, if there is no programmatic, strategic and tactical lucidity, the left will lose its identity and will not have the strength to revive the political and social struggle of the workers and the Brazilian people. redemption of democracy, social rights and national sovereignty.
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