[ad_1]
By Gleisi Hoffmann *
appointed many general officers of the government. The Constitution gives him the right to appoint ministers and exercise their functions. The armed forces have prepared competent men and women. I have lived and worked with a lot when I was at the head of the Civil House. But, as ministers, they cease to be military leaders and become citizens occupying important public functions.
This is how it must be. An armed policy inexorably leads to imposition, to dictatorship. Our Constitution has clearly defined the roles of institutions, moving the armed forces away from politics. This is why it is very worrying that Bolsonaro even suggests that his authority is more distinguished from the comrades of the Forces than from the popular vote. It is dangerous for the country, democracy and the army. It is also serious that some generals echo and even hear the president's speech against the left and the social movements, thus distorting relations between the PT and the army.
PT governments treated the armed forces with respect and dignity, integrating them into the democratic effort of national development. It should be recalled that in August 2002, the army had to recruit 44,000 recruits (almost 90% of the total) because President FHC – his son, his nephew and grandson of generals – had reduced the number of recruits. money from wages and food. The recruits who remained were fired at noon: there was no ranch. Cabos and sergeants did not have money to buy boots.
Starting in 2004, wages were recovered and real increases. The last decree of this new policy was signed by Dilma Rousseff in December 2015: an average increase of 30% spread over 3 years, completed on the day of the inauguration of Bolsonaro. Thanks to Lula and Dilma, the salary of a general, which amounted to R $ 4,950 in 2004, now stands at R $ 14,031, a real gain. 32.7% on INPC inflation. The salary of former Captain Bolsonaro, which stood at R $ 2,970, is now R $ 9,135; real increase of 50%.
These demoralized troops, badly armed and poorly trained, were used by the Toucan governments to suppress the striking populations and the social movements. . In May 1995, the army occupied 5 Petrobras refineries in order to crush the tankers' strike. In 1996, 97 and 98, the army suppressed demonstrations and occupations in Curio, in Eldorado dos Carajas and in southern Para, creating an intelligence division exclusively for spying on the MST, which even used satellites to map the camps. The Lula government has called on the armed forces to defend the people, territory and national sovereignty. These are the values inscribed in the national defense strategy, launched in 2008, in in-depth dialogue with the military and updated in 2012. FIN has predicted the development of the war industry and the equipment and the education necessary for the defense of airspace, the vast
To achieve these objectives, the defense budget (including the three forces) rose from 33 billion to 92 dollars, 3 billion in PT governments. According to the well-known International Peace Research Institute in Stockholm, Brazilian military spending has risen from $ 15 billion in 2002 to $ 25 billion in 2014 (2015 average dollar). That is, a country that has not had a border conflict 150 years ago occupies 11a. (19659003) We began construction of the nuclear submarine, conventional submarines, patrol ships and missiles, as well as nuclear submarines, conventional submarines, patrol ships and missiles. antinavios. We renewed the helicopter fleet, invested 4.5 billion rand in Embraer to develop the KC-390, a worldwide success, and signed a technology transfer contract with the Grippen fighters, chosen by the company. aeronautics for its technical criteria. We signed a contract with the geostationary defense and strategic communications satellite to guarantee sovereignty in telecommunications, the Guarani armored vehicle and IA2 rifles, manufactured in Brazil.
And instead of serving as Cossacks against the workers, the armed forces were summoned to the PT governments for large-scale tasks such as the United Nations peacekeeping command in Haiti and Lebanon, in more shares in 7 other countries. And for the relevant social programs, such as the Soldado-Cidadão, the fight against drought and the construction of strategic structures, such as the São Francisco River.
Lula adopted the criterion of seniority and experience in the appointment of commanders. Some of those who attack him today, veiled or publicly, have had in the PT governments the opportunities that gave them prestige inside and outside the armed forces, without anyone asking for their opinions. policies. They do not have the moral to accuse the PT of having made "ideological" appointments, as Bolsonaro says. Dispute between Lula and PT; Criticism, govern differently, but do not lose respect for the truth or the former supreme commander to whom one day swore fidelity and who restored them dignity.
Bolsonaro's generals-ministers were teenagers in 1964. Some may have suppressed marches in 1968. At the Military Academy, they had certainly heard of torture and persecution; in 79, Amnesty shared the moral and collective anxiety that opposed them; and must have been ashamed in 1981 with the bombing of Riocentro, which has demoralized a whole generation of commanders. But they lived through the democratic pact of the 1988 Constitution and had, from 2003, the opportunity to serve the homeland in a government that gave them objective conditions to promote national sovereignty.
Today, in the troubled government of Bolsonaro, are badociated with the financier. Paulo Guedes, who wants to deepen the destruction of the country: the sale of Embraer (and therefore our technology), the shutdown of the nuclear submarine (designed by prosecutors and judges serving the United States); the denationalization of the Alcântara base; breach of the Grippen contract (another US interest); the delivery of pre-salt to foreigners; the privatization of banks that finance a small or large agriculture. His only known project in the military field is the involution of the GSI into a political police force, an accomplice of the Moro ministry
. harmful to the country. The generals-ministers respond to their own conscience with regard to the political option and the methods they used in the plot to overthrow Dilma and veto Lula's candidacy. Today they serve a government without leadership or command, which will face many differences to implement anti-national proposals. But the generals ministers will not be judged by history and future generations of armies, but only by their political and moral choices. They will be judged mainly by their attachment to national sovereignty.
] ] (Function (d, s, id) {
var js, fjs = d.getElementsByTagName (s) [0];
if (d.getElementById (id)) return;
js = d.createElement (s); js.id = id;
js.src = & # 39; https://connect.facebook.net/en_US/sdk.js#xfbml=1&version=v2.11&appId=253048474893043' ;;
fjs.parentNode.insertBefore (js, fjs);
} (document, 'script', 'facebook-jssdk'));
[ad_2]
Source link
