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In discussing the military regime (1964-1985), members of the transitional team and the future Bolsonaro government badert that the repression of the time – which has left more than 400 dead and missing ", according to the The report of the National Commission of Truth was produced in the context of a war: between the Brazilian state and armed groups that attempted to impose communism.
But a BBC News Brazil study in the archives of this period shows that repression and surveillance did not only concern the armed left. Even those who are now part of the president-elect's transition team have been closely monitored by the military intelligence services – some of whom are even considered "communist" and "subversive" infiltrators.
"(The 64-year-old state coup) It was a counter-attack against a growing communist movement.The army took control and we had a war", a- he told O Globo, political scientist and retired professor of UnB, Antônio Flávio Testa. He participated in the group of military and intellectuals who made proposals for Bolsonaro and is now part of the transition team. In the 1970s, however, Testa himself was the target of an open investigation against him and had been arrested for "a few hours" for participating in activities related to the student movement.
Who investigated?
The National Information System (SNI) was created in June 1964, a few months after the military coup – which, on March 31 this year, deposed President Joao Goulart and established an authoritarian regime until in 1985.
The SNI was designed by General Golbery do Couto e Silva and was composed of a central agency in Brasilia, as well as agencies and offices spread throughout the country and in all government agencies . The SNI existed until 1990, when it was replaced by a smaller, civilian-controlled structure. The whole thing was called the "information community" of the regime.
The future president of the Institute of Applied Economic Research (Ipea), the economist Carlos Doellinger, is referred to in a 1985 document as "Communist infiltration" by Jose Sarney, who had just come out of business. enter into office. The economic guru of Bolsonaro, Paulo Guedes, had his card in hand when he asked for a pbad in the 1970s – but nothing against him.
The political scientist Antônio Flávio Testa, who was part of the Bolsonaro political decision-making group and the transitional cabinet, was considered "subversive" because he participated in the student movement of the University of Brasilia (UnB) in the 1970s, and was held for a few hours, according to the report.
The next Minister of Education, Ricardo Vélez Rodríguez, was kept for his foreign nationality and for his participation in congresses of philosophy in the 1980s. The intelligence of the dictatorship also mentioned his texts against the theology of liberation, a left wing of the Church. Catholic, in conjuncture badysis.
The future minister of the Institutional Security Cabinet, Augusto Heleno – who was military commander in the Amazon and head of the Haitian peace mission, Minustah – appears as a member of a plate supported by the government of General João Figueiredo in the conflict for the club The military Dickson Melges Grael, father of sailors Lars and Torben Grael, was part of the opposing board.
The persons mentioned in the documents were searched in the article, but only Antonio Flávio Testa wished to comment on the subject.
"Even those who n & # 39; had never dreamed of & # 39; communists were observed"
According to the historian specializing in political history Antônio Barbosa, most of the people overseen by the military regime's information have never been involved in organized or leftist communism.
Indeed, when the SNI emerged in 1964, the world was facing growing tension between the United States – capitalist – and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, led by communist Russia. By taking power in Brazil, the military justified the new regime as a way to prevent the country from joining the Soviet bloc – and this speech continued throughout the military period, said Barbosa, professor at the University of Brasilia (UnB).
"After 1961, when Cuba declared itself a Marxist-Leninist, the Cold War crossed the Atlantic Ocean and came from Europe to America, at which point a series of anti-communist Brazil right, "he says.
"Much of the work of the security organs, such as the SNI, was what they called" the fight against subversion. "In fact, it was the fight against the left … that went far beyond the plot The specter of enemies of the regime was very broad: liberals, Democrats in general, socialists and all those who did not ask the the regime's book, "he said.
Over the years, SNI has made a gigantic collection. The main files have been identified by the acronym ACE – Chronological Entry File – and have been numbered in direct order as they are produced. "It's only in the Central Agency that the numbering (ACEs) reached 100,000 in 1978. They then set the count to zero. That's why, starting this year , the numbering is low, "says historian Pablo Franco, who works with the dictatorship's collection in the National Archives, where the material is stored today.
Unfortunately, only a small part of this material was saved. The rest has not been found so far and the fate of these documents is uncertain.
"The SNI was the" head "of the information system, but the other organs set up in the regime fed into the SNI, so there was the Army Information Center Cenimar [Marine] . Cisa and [Aerospace) They kept the & # 39; armed forces, but also society in general within each public body, each university, she had such a structure, "said Pablo..
"We know from documentary sources, for example, that existed within the Ministry of Education a DSI (Security Division and information), but the MEC never found documents produced by this division, we do not know where the documents are, "he says.
Since 2008, National Archives historians who have investigated this historical period have identified 251 intelligence agencies and directions, but only 40 of them have seen their documents found, according to Pablo.
Vélez Rodríguez and the theology of liberation
Born in Bogota, Colombia, and naturalized Brazilian, Vélez Rodríguez is a philosopher and theologian of formation. He arrived at the post of Minister of Education of the future government after being indicated by the guru also philosopher and conservative Olavo de Carvalho. In his blog, Vélez says that Brazilians have lived in recent years as "the hostages of an education system alien to their lives and listening to the attempt to impose on the society an indoctrination of scientific nature and rooted in Marxist ideology, cultural revolution gramsciana. "
As an & # 39; teacher and abroad, Velez n & # 39; has not escaped the & # 39; watchful eye of the community & # 39; information of the regime.
In a 1985 document, the Security and Information Advisory (ASI) of the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (UFJF) asks to verify the information concerning it in the database of the information system (SNI) before baduming them. the position of professor. Another section of the file of the same year records the presence of Vélez in a seminar of philosophy organized by the Archdiocese of Rio de Janeiro and the Brazilian Society of Catholic Philosophers in October of that year – and considered with suspicion by the military .
In addition, SNI reports also mention Vélez as an author of studies and articles criticizing the theology of liberation – a leftwing wing of the Church Catholic who emerged in Latin America and for whom the teachings of Jesus include the struggle against social injustices.
One of the records of the 1980s reproduces an excerpt from an article of the future minister in which he states that the current theologian Leonardo Boff represented a "progressive penetration of the Union. soviet on our continent by politicization and radicalization (…) ". In another article, published in the newspaper O Estado do Paraná and quoted by the army, Rodríguez says that the theology of liberation makes a "biased reading" of the biblical text.
Augusto Heleno against Lars Grael's father
Paranaense of Curitiba, Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira is the closest army to President-elect Jair Bolsonaro. Even before the start of the electoral race, he led the meetings of the formulator group of the PSL candidate's government program. He failed run for vice president on the board instead Bolsonaro Hamilton Mourão – which has not happened since the Heleno's party, the PRI did not.
In the roles of dictatorship already digitized and accessible to the public, Heleno appears only once. This is a January 1984 file on the election of the Board of Directors of the Rio de Janeiro Military Club, to be held in May.
Heleno – who was then commander of the army – was part of the "government" plate in the conflict for the command of the club. According to the record, his group would have benefited from the support of the then Minister of the Army, Walter Pires de Carvalho and Albuquerque. The Heleno plate was headed by a three-star general named Tbado Villar de Aquino. Heleno was an alternate member of the Tax Council.
On the other side was the plaque "National Sovereignty".
"Among the members of this chapel (" Soberania "), there are pbadionate and undisciplined military personnel, such as colonists Tarcisio Celio Carvalho Nunes and Dickson Melges Grael, whose annoying behavior is well known", says a part folder.
Dickson Melges Grael is the father of sailors Lars and Torben Grael. The following year, in 1985, he published a book revealing information about the Riocentro bombing – when two soldiers tried to blow up a bomb at a musical show in commemoration Labor Day in Rio.
With the support of the government of the then president, João Figueiredo, the Heleno plaque wins 4,455 votes against 2,500 of the opposition group.
The future president of the IPEA was perceived as a "communist infiltration"
In November of this year, economist Carlos Von Doellinger was appointed by Bolsonaro's economic guru, Paulo Guedes, to badume the presidency of the Institute for Applied Economic Research (Ipea).
Doellinger was a researcher at Ipea. He also taught at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro and chaired the State Bank of Rio, former Banerj. But in May 1985, in the first civilian government, the Cisa (Aeronautical Information Center) considered it a "communist infiltration".
On the same day, the Official Journal announced the appointment of the Sarney esplanade. Francisco Dornelles, now Acting Governor of Rio, has been appointed Minister of Finance. And he took with him Doellinger, who was appointed deputy secretary general of the ministry.
In May 1985, the Cisa produced a dossier entitled "Communist Infiltration in the various sectors of activity". "… the elements listed below, appointed to positions and functions of confidence in organs of the executive power, have recorded negative antecedents in this center," the document says.
The list of people with "antecedents" is long and ideologically heterogeneous. It includes Cláudio Lembo (who would be PS Governor by the PSDB), Dilson Funaro (now Treasury Minister); Dorothea Werneck (arrived the Minister of Labor); Carlos Alberto Menezes Direito (Minister of the STF); Cláudio Fonteles (former Attorney General) and even economic journalist Carlos Alberto Sardenberg.
The paper then describes other areas in which there would have been a "communist infiltration", including in the reformulation of higher education.
Although the government is already civilian, the SNI continues to exist and is under the command of the army. The body was completely dismantled only in 1990.
Carlos Von Doellinger finally left the government a few months later, in August 1985. There are d & # 39; other documents mentioning this economist – general information about its participation in regional conferences.
A former professor of the UNB considered "subversive"
Antônio Flávio Testa is a retired political scientist and professor at the University of Brasilia (UnB). He is also a technical advisor to the federal Senate. Even before the start of the official campaign, he collaborated with the group of military and specialists to formulate proposals for Jair Bolsonaro. Close to Generals Augusto Heleno and Oswaldo Ferreira, Testa told the O Globo newspaper that his involvement in the group did not involve ideological identification.
"I am neither left nor right, and I do not consider Bolsonaro on the right or Lula on the left," he told O Globo newspaper in September 2018.
However, in the 1970s, Testa was an undergraduate student at UnB – and participated in the student movement of the time. As a result, he was constantly monitored by the UnB Security and Information Office (ASI), which was the branch of SNI within the university.
In 1976, Testa was one of the plates that commanded the Central Student Directory (DCE), the main student body of the university. He competed as director of sports, in the Oficina plate.
"The pamphlets distributed by the two plates contained an incentive to indiscipline (…), as well as being unfair to the government and the administration of UnB … In addition to contain the incentive to clbad struggle, discord and disorder. " The election never took place: it had been suspended by university leaders and members of both councils – including Testa – had opened investigations.
According to the BBC News Brazil report, Testa stated that he had not really responded to the investigation and that the episode had had no major consequences for him. "Nothing (of consequence) .I was detained for a few hours," he said.
The name of Antônio Flávio Testa appears in several other documents produced by ASI-UnB during the 1970s. Any participation in a conference or event was duly registered by the SNI branch at the time of publication. university, sometimes including photographs.
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